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Tuesday, 19 February 2019

‘Secret plan’ to create National Intelligence Agency in Swaziland


There is a secret plan in Swaziland / eSwatini to set up a National Intelligence Agency, an  investigative website has reported.

The new body would report directly to King Mswati III, the kingdom’s absolute monarch, the Swaziland News said.

The former National Commissioner of Police and present senator Isaac Magagula is said to be spearheading the move.

The new body would work closely with the police and correctional services in Swaziland which make up the kingdom’s present civilian security services, the Swaziland News reported.

The website reported Government Spokesperson Percy Simelane saying it was normal for countries within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to have national intelligence agencies. He added he had not been told of any developments in Swaziland.

The website reported that ‘sources within the security forces’ told it that in November 2018 Senator Edgar Hillary sought an appointment with the new Prime Minister Ambrose Mandvulo Dlamini to convince him to establish the NIA ‘and that he [Edgar Hillary] was the rightful person to head it’. 

No details of the objectives of the new NIA have come to light. In other countries, intelligence agencies are run by the government (often in secret) to collect information in support of national security and military objectives.

One of the most famous intelligence agencies was South Africa’s Bureau of State Security (BOSS) which operated during the apartheid years.

There is a long history of police spying in Swaziland. Police routinely video legal public demonstrations and protest marches. They then use the information to deprive people of college scholarships, jobs in the army, police, and correctional services or promotions in government departments, the Swaziland News reported in July 2018. 

In September 2017 the Sunday edition of the Swazi Observer newspaper reported police in Swaziland disguised themselves as news reporters at a march of public servants in Mbabane.

It called it ‘spying’ and said it had happened before at other public demonstrations, ‘They [police] are always plain clothed and carry traditional journalistic tools including cameras and notebooks,’ the newspaper reported.

It added police took video and still photographs of marchers. The newspaper speculated that these might be used to later track down and intimidate participants. The march was legal. A police spokesman said they were not spying because the march took place in a public place.

In June 2017 some senior politicians in Swaziland reported fears their phones were being tapped. One also thought his car might be bugged.  

In July 2013 it was reported that police in Swaziland were spying on the kingdom’s members of parliament. One officer disguised in plain clothes was thrown out of a workshop for MPs and one MP reported his phone had been bugged. Ntondozi MP Peter Ngwenya told the House of Assembly at the time that MPs lived in fear because there was constant police presence, in particular from officers in the Intelligence Unit. 

In Swaziland, political parties are banned from taking part in elections and King Mswati rues as an absolute monarch. Pro-democracy campaigners are routinely prosecuted under the Suppression of Terrorism Act and the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act.


See also

Top Swazi Politicians’ ‘Phones Bugged’

State Police Spy On Swazi MPs
Police Spies Infiltrate Media
 
Swaziland ‘Becoming Military State’
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2013/04/swaziland-becoming-military-state.html

Monday, 18 February 2019

Apartheid South Africa financed Swaziland kings through secret political fund

The government of South Africa financed Swaziland’s then King Sobhuza II through a secret fund during the apartheid years.
 
After the king died it continued to make secret payments to his successor and present king, Mswati III. When the apartheid government fell, the South African government under President Nelson Mandela thought it worth its while to continue making the payments.

The payments to Sobhuza and Mswati came from a secret fund set up specifically to promote the policies of ‘white’ South Africa and to fund operations directed against the opponents of apartheid.

The existence of the fund and the payments to the Swazi monarchs was revealed by South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The information was published in October 1998 but has gone largely unnoticed in the years since.

The mandate of the TRC was set up in 1996 after the apartheid era ended to bear witness to, record and in some cases grant amnesty to the perpetrators of crimes relating to human rights violations, reparation and rehabilitation.

The TRC reported it had not received information on the specific nature of the activities undertaken by those like the Swaziland monarchs who received ‘covert funding’, nor did it investigate the actual use made of the funding. But, it added, it was clear there were funds in ‘secret bank accounts’.

The TRC said it received information about the secret funds from the reports by the Advisory Committee on Special Secret Projects, chaired by Professor Ellison Kahn (known as the Khan Committee) and the Secret Services Evaluation Committee.

 
The TRC reported, ‘The Auditor-General reported that a total of more than R2.75 billion was expended through the Secret Services Account between 1978 and 1994. This does not, however, constitute the full amount spent by state departments on secret and other sensitive projects.’

The TRC reported, ‘Most projects appear to be related to the establishment of front organisations or actions aimed at counteracting the activities of the African National Congress (ANC) and its allies, primarily in the sphere of information, communication, disinformation, propaganda and counter-propaganda. 

It said one of the key goals of the secret projects was ‘sanctions busting’. Separately from the TRC investigation it has been revealed that in 1978 King Sobhuza’s government lobbied the United States and the United Kingdom not to impose economic sanctions on South Africa.

The TRC highlighted what was called ‘Project Swaziland.’ The entry in the TRC’s report (Vol 2, Chapter 6,  page 529) on Project Swaziland was based on information from South Africa’s Department of Foreign Affairs. The full entry in the TRC report on Project Swaziland is as follows, ‘Young King Mswati III took it for granted that, like his father, he would be furnished with the part-time services of an attorney at the expense of the South African government. Pretoria lawyer Mr Ernst Penzhorn was employed at an annual fee of around R50,000 to advise the King generally, accompany him to conferences, draft speeches for him, persuade him not to act in undesirable ways, and protect him from the machinations of undesirable characters.’

No further mention is made in the TRC report of Project Swaziland. However, the Khan Committee had previously been tasked with going through the secret funds to recommend which should be allowed to continue post-apartheid.  Khan reported on Project Swaziland, on 19 November 1991. It called it, ‘A line function par excellence. Activity endorsed.’ This recommendation that King Mswati should continue to receive secret funding was later accepted. 

Minutes of the South Africa Secret Services Evaluation Committee of 8 April 1993 show the enthusiasm of South Africa’s Department of Foreign Affairs for continuing Project Swaziland. The minute reads, ‘The Department would like to fund this from the open budget, but there are problems with the need for secrecy for the two involved.’ It added department officials would ‘consider other ways of providing this assistance henceforth’.

According to a profile published in the Mail & Guardian (South Africa) in February 1998, the Pretoria lawyer Ernst Penzhorn who was employed to serve King Mswati was closely associated with one-time President of South Africa, PW Botha. The newspaper said Penzhorn’s speciality was, ‘the art of smoke and mirrors, and the negotiation of the shifting sands of international realpolitik where countries have no friends, but only interests’.

It added he was, ‘a sort of legal agent-cum-fixer extraordinaire’.

A separate report in the Mail & Guardian in March 1995 said, ‘Penzhorn’s speciality appears to be acting for South African agents captured in foreign countries while on clandestine missions.’

The payments were made to King Sobhuza until his death in 1982. The payments continued when King Mswati III succeeded him to the throne. It is not known if the payments continue to the present day.

Sobhuza is still widely revered within Swaziland, 37 years after his death. He was chosen to be king of Swaziland when he was only four months old and became the monarch after he had reached the age of 21. He died aged 83. He was said to have had 70 wives, 210 children and at least 1,000 grandchildren at the time of his death. 

In 1973, five years after Swaziland’s independence from Great Britain, King Sobhuza tore up the kingdom’s constitution and ruled as an absolute monarch. He was succeeded to the throne by King Mswati III in 1986 who continues to rule as an absolute monarch to the present day.

During the height of the apartheid years in South Africa  King Sobhuza’s Swaziland government lobbied the US and UK Governments not to support economic sanctions on South Africa, according to a confidential communication from 1978.

The then Swazi Prime Minister Maphevu Harry Dlamini said the sanctions would be ‘disastrous’ for the Swaziland economy.


The information challenges the present-day belief that King Sobuza II and his Swazi governments were stanch supporters of the struggle for freedom in South Africa during the apartheid era.

Dlamini was said to have ‘pleaded strongly’ with the US and UK not to support sanctions.

This was revealed in a confidential electronic telegram sent from the United States State Department on 7 November 1978. It was distributed to the UK, Zambia, Mozambique and France.

The electronic telegram said, ‘During 30-minute meeting in his office November 2, Prime Minister pleaded strongly with UK and US reps to urge our governments to prevent adoption of UN sanctions against South Africa, especially on oil, on ground that sanctions would be not only suicidal for Swaziland but also extremely detrimental to blacks.’

The writer of the cable, who was not named, but was likely to be the US Ambassador to Swaziland said the US and UK representatives at the meeting agreed to seek clarification of positions from their governments ‘soonest’.

The confidential message added, ‘In unprecedented move, Prime Minister Maphevu summoned British High Commissioner and me jointly to his office November 2 for urgent approach on issue of UN sanctions against South Africa. 

‘Prime Minister said that from series of telexes and telecons from Swazi UN representative Malinga, he understood that United Nations was on brink of voting on sanctions issue and that Western powers, possibly reflecting disenchantment with South Africa’s posture on Namibian election question, were leaving impression in New York that they might not repeat not veto a sanctions resolution. 

‘Although worried about effect that any kind of sanctions would have on Swaziland’s economy, Prime Minister was principally concerned about oil sanctions. 

‘Prime Minister said he did not have to remind UK and US reps in Mbabane, who saw situation first-hand, how dependent Swaziland economy is on South African economy. 

‘Oil sanctions would be “disastrous” for Swaziland. 

‘He added that one could be sure that not only Swaziland’s population, but also blacks in South Africa itself, would be the first to feel the pinch if sanctions were imposed; he gave the example of black entrepreneurs in South Africa, who he said would certainly be treated far less favorably by South African authorities when rationing began. 

‘Several times in his forceful half-hour presentation the Prime Minister talked as spokesman for blacks in all of Southern Africa and not merely for Swazis. 

‘He said sanctions would be “indirect killing of black people in Southern Africa”.

‘For Swaziland to vote for sanctions would be “suicidal.”

‘Prime Minister asked rhetorically which black leaders in South Africa itself would support sanctions. He hoped that Western policy-makers were not taking advice from “blacks who left South Africa ten to twenty years ago and who are now living comfortably in Europe and America.”

‘He downplayed any hard-line advice that might be given by front-line leaders, who continue their own economic dealings with South Africa (as Swaziland does) because there is no alternative to such cooperation; he cited Zambian railroad move as one recent example.’

Maphevu Harry Dlamini was Prime Minister of Swaziland from 31 March 1976 until his death on 25 October 1979.

The telegram was classified confidential when it was written in 1978, and was declassified in 2014. It is now publicly available through the Wikileaks’ Public Library of US Diplomacy

Richard Rooney

 
King Sobhuza II

King Mswati III wearing a suit beaded with diamonds at his 50th birthday celebration

See also

Swaziland King tore up Constitution in fear educated people might challenge his power, CIA report suggests
https://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2018/10/swaziland-king-tore-up-constitution-in.html

Thursday, 14 February 2019

Swaziland health crisis getting worse as budgets cut. Rural areas most affected

The Government of Swaziland / eSwatini has cut budgets for public health services across the kingdom and rural areas in particular are suffering, according to the latest report from the World Health Organisation (WHO).

WHO reported there were not enough doctors, nurses and support staff. The report comes at a time when nurses have been demonstrating across Swaziland to draw attention to the crisis in the health service.

WHO recently conducted the Universal Health Coverage (UHC) scoping exercise in Swaziland. Its report just published stated, ‘The country has inadequate health workforce in both numbers and skills. The distribution of health workforce is also skewed in favour of urban areas with some rural health facilities having staffing gaps. Other health workforce challenges include; retention of skilled staff due to frequent rotation of workers especially nurses; and government absorption of donor funded positions.’

WHO added, ‘The distribution of health facilities and access to essential health services create inequities between rural and urban populations.’

In Swaziland about 76 percent of the estimated 1. 3 million population live in rural areas.

The United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) in an analysis of Swaziland’s national budget for 2017/18 revealed the Ministry of Health (MoH) was allocated E1.85 billion, representing 9.1 percent of the total budget and 3.2 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). The allocation represented a 9.2 percent nominal decline from the E2.04 billion allocated in the 2016/17 financial year. 

In real terms, the allocation to the MoH declined by 15.7 percent from E1.94 billion to E1.63 billion mainly because the government had financial difficulties.

UNICEF reported, ‘The 2017/18 allocation significantly falls short of the requirements in the sector.’ It estimated a minimum of E2.5 billion would be required in 2017/18 ‘to ensure an equitable minimum package of healthcare services for all Swazis’. 

In the 2018/19 budget heath was allocated E2 billion.

Public health services in Swaziland are in meltdown with reports that hospitals cannot afford to feed patients and vital medicines have run out – all because the government failed to pay suppliers. 

In September 2018 it was reported at least six children in Swaziland had died from diarrhoea and many more were sick because the government was broke and could not pay for vaccines. It would cost US$6 for the vaccine to immunise a child.

Medicines of all sorts have run out in public hospitals and health clinics across Swaziland. Nurses have been protesting to draw attention to the crisis.

In June 2018 it was revealed there were only 12 working public ambulances in the whole of Swaziland because the government failed to maintain them. It had bought no new ambulances since 2013.

See also

Swaziland nurses picket, drugs run out, lives put at risk as government fails to pay suppliers
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2017/06/medicine-shortage-five-die.html

Wednesday, 13 February 2019

Swaziland’s national economic recovery plan is nothing but a wish list

The Government of Swaziland / eSwatini is working on a five-year strategic plan to save the kingdom’s economy, but the details recently unofficially circulated on social media show it is no more than a wish-list with little detail of how change can be achieved.

The plan is officially called the Strategic Road Map 2018 – 2023 and version three is currently doing the rounds. Its ‘vision’ is to allow Swaziland to ‘attain first world status by year 2022’. To achieve this the road map sets out a number of ‘short-term interventions’ for economic recovery.

The plan consists only of a list of bullet points. No detail about how the plan is to be implemented is given. Among the wish list are:

  • Increase in taxes by 25 percent;
  • Increase speeding and court fines 100 percent;
  • Increase casino levies by 10 percent;
  • Increase fuel taxes by E1.20;
  • Introduce capital gains tax;
  • Increase ‘company tax’ rates in the banking sector to 30 percent (it also says elsewhere to reduce ‘corporate taxes’ to 12.5 percent);
  • Increase minimum taxable income from E41,001 to E50,001 and introduce a 39 percent marginal tax rate on incomes above E400,000. [It should be noted that it is estimated that seven in ten of Swaziland’s 1.2 million population have incomes less than the equivalent of US$2 per day or about E9,100 a year.]

Swaziland’s economy has been in freefall for years. The 2018 – 2023 road map is not the first of its kind to be produced by Swazi governments. In 2012 the International Monetary Fund (IMF) abandoned its support for the then-government’s Fiscal Adjustment Roadmap (FAR), a plan for recovery that included getting more revenue through taxes and reducing the public sector wage bill.

In 2012 the government owed E1.2 billion to creditors (that figure had grown to E3.1bn about US$230 million in 2018.)

The Swazi Government drew up the plan and was aided by the IMF in its implementation through a procedure known as the staff-monitored programme. 

But, even though the FAR was the work of the Swazi government and was completely under its control, the government failed to implement it.

Central to the plan was to reduce the public sector wage bill – that of teachers, nurses and other civil servants – by 10 percent. The government planned to cut 7,000 public servants’ jobs. This it failed to do.

The government did force through 10 percent salary reductions for politicians, but in March 2012 MPs voted to have their pay restored because they said it was unfair that they were the only public sector workers to have taken the cut. 

In April 2012 Joannes Mongardini, head of the IMF mission to Swaziland, confirmed that it was no longer working with Swaziland on the programme because the Swazi Government could not come up with ‘a credible reform programme’.

At the state opening of parliament on Friday (8 February 2019), King Mswati III, the absolute monarch of Swaziland, said his government would ‘unveil the entire strategic road map in due course, for the nation to be well versed and be able to monitor its progress continuously’.

Richard Rooney

The Strategic Road Map 2018 – 2023 is available here
Swaziland’s claim to be close to reaching ‘first world’ status far from reality

Tuesday, 12 February 2019

Swaziland absolute king declares national election ‘success’ but full results not released

King Mswati III, the absolute king of Swaziland / eSwatini, has declared last September’s national election in his kingdom a ‘success’, even though the full results have never been published.

The King told the state opening of parliament on Friday (8 February 2019) there was ‘over 60 percent’ voter turnout. 

However, there is no way to confirm this because the Kingdom’s Elections and Boundaries Commission (EBC) has not published the full results, nearly five months after the poll.

After the House of Assembly election took place on 21 September 2018 the EBC promptly announced the winners at the 59 constituencies (known as tinkhundla) but no break-down giving the number of votes cast for each candidate has been released.

This is not new in Swaziland: the full results of the previous election held in 2013 have never been published.

In Swaziland, political parties are banned from taking part in elections and the people are only allowed to select 59 members of the House of Assembly; the King appoints a further 10. No members of the 30-strong Swazi Senate are elected by the people; the King appoints 20 members and the House of Assembly elects 10. Following the election King Mswati appointed six members of his Royal Family to the House of Assembly and eight members to the Senate.

He also appointed a Prime Minister in contravention of the Swazi Constitution.

The EBC has not released the results of the House of Assembly election, although they are known. The two national newspapers in Swaziland published some results from individual tinkhundla as they were announced on the night of the election. 

The EBC has the capacity to publish the results. After the first round of the election (known as the Primary Election) on 24 August 2018, the EBC uploaded on its website all the results. An analysis of that data discovered a total of 156,973 people voted for members of the House of Assembly at the Primary Election; 28.83 percent of those who had registered.

In June 2018 after revising the figure the EBC announced that 544,310 people had registered to vote. It said earlier that 600,000 people in the kingdom were eligible to register. This meant, according to EBC figures, that 90.7 percent of eligible people had done so. The EBC figure was questioned after allegations were made of election law breaking. No copy of the national electoral roll was made public.

The size of the turnout in the Primary Election is important as voting is the only way people in Swaziland have to demonstrate their support (or lack of it) for the political system. In 1973, King Sobhuza II tore up the constitution, banned political parties and began to rule by decree. Although a new constitution came into effect in 2006, little has changed and King Sobhuza’s son King Mswati III continues to rule as an absolute monarch. Political opposition is banned in Swaziland and those who campaign for democracy are often charged under the Suppression of Terrorism Act.

The voting figures for the Primary Election suggested a lack of support for the political process. The results of the primary Election have since been removed from the EBC website.

The final round of the election (known as the Secondary Election) was marred by violence and accusations of bribery, vote-rigging and other malpractice.
 
Following the election the United Nations Human Rights Committee (HRC) reported the ‘legitimacy and credibility’ of the election was ‘significantly hampered’ because political parties were banned. It said the King had ‘excessive powers’ in the appointment of the Government, Parliament and the judiciary.

In its report the HRC said, ‘The legitimacy and credibility of the elections was significantly hampered by the design of the electoral mechanisms as a culture of political pluralism is lacking. There is no freedom of genuine and pluralistic political debate, political parties are unable to register, contest elections, field candidates or otherwise participate in the formation of a Government.’

In its election report the African Union (AU) called on Swaziland to end the ban on political parties. AU mission head James Michel, the former Seychelles president, said, ‘The mission encourages the eSwatini authorities to consider reviewing the 1973 decree on the ban on political parties and allow them to freely participate in the election.’ 

The Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Election Observation Mission in its report said the election had been successful, ‘in line with the Constitution of the Kingdom of Eswatini, and the guiding Legal Framework’. Unlike the AU, it did not have a mandate to consider whether Swaziland was a democracy.

The Eswatini Elections Support Network which operates under the auspices of the Coordinating Assembly of NGOs (CANGO) made no comment about the election being ‘free and fair’.

Richard Rooney

See also

Swaziland election observer groups say vote was ‘peaceful’ but fall short of ‘free and fair’
Violence, corruption, vote-buying reported in Swaziland election. Journalists barred from entering counting centres
Swaziland (Eswatini) Election 2018: Links to Information and Analysis From Swazi Media Commentary
https://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2018/09/swaziland-eswatini-election-2018-links.html

Organised Certainty, Why elections in Swaziland are not democratic
https://www.scribd.com/document/384752084/Organised-Certainty-Why-Elections-in-Swaziland-Are-Not-Democratic