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Showing posts with label Dlamini Lutfo. Show all posts

Friday, 1 September 2023

Swaziland Newsletter No. 792 – 1 September 2023

 

Swaziland Newsletter No. 792 – 1 September 2023

News from and about Swaziland, compiled by Global Aktion, Denmark (www.globalaktion.dk) in collaboration with Swazi Media Commentary (www.swazimedia.blogspot.com), and sent to all with an interest in Swaziland - free of charge.

Primary Elections Special

 

Primary elections took place in Swaziland on Saturday (26 August 2023). They followed nominations for member of the House of Assembly (parliament), constituency executive committees (Bucopho) and constituency headmen.

Swaziland is made up of constituencies (known as tinkhundla) which are divided into chiefdoms. At the end of the primary elections, there should be one candidate from each chiefdom for the position of the Member of Parliament and one for the position of the constituency headman who then contest elections at secondary level on 29 September. 

People at chiefdom level elect the member of the Bucopho for that chiefdom. 

Swaziland is not a democracy; it is an absolute monarchy. Political parties are banned from taking part in the election and no members of the Swazi Senate are elected by the people.

The King chooses the Prime Minister and Government. The people are only allowed to elect 59 members of the House of Assembly with another 10 appointed by the King. No members of the Swazi Senate are elected by the people.

Here is a selection of reports of the events surrounding the primary election

 

Cabinet ministers and MPs fall at first hurdle

Early reports suggested that two Cabinet ministers and many sitting members of parliament were defeated at the primary election.  These included the Minister of Education and Training and the Minister of Tourism and Environmental Affairs. Among the MPs who lost was former Cabinet minister Lutfo Dlamini. Read more here and here.

 

‘Bribery’ and ‘irregularities’

Media reported a ‘stand-off’ at the Hillside High School Hall polling station in Manzini North when candidates refused to proceed with the count without first seeing the votes that had been cast earlier in the week from absentee voters and prison inmates. They said there was a possibility that they were going to win at the count of the primary elections, only to be later informed that they had lost. More here.

Later, figures from the Elections and Boundaries Commission (EBC) which runs the election showed that some candidates did score lower votes than those announced on polling day. EBC Chairperson Prince Mhlabuhlangene said there was a possibility that the consolidated votes might have changed due to human error. More here.

Ahead of the voting, some Manzini South residents threatened textile workers with a whipping if they tried to vote in the constituency if they did not live there. This was amid fears of voter fraud, which they claimed had happened in previous elections.  More here.

More than 400 residents in the Buseleni Chiefdom under Nkwene Constituency, in the Shiselweni region, protested cheating at the poll. Among claims were that one candidate was not eligible to stand and an issue over the registration of voters. More here.

Kwaluseni Member of Parliament Sibusiso Mabhanisi Dlamini, who lost the election, claimed irregularities in the counting of his votes and bribery. More here

Ndzingeni MP Lutfo Dlamini, who lost the election, claimed his supporters were intimidated and threatened that their houses would be burned down if they voted for him. More here.

 

Women’s participation down

There was a significant drop in the number of female members of Parliament candidates in the national elections compared to the 2018 elections. In 2018, 59 females were elected. This year only 34 women made it through the primary election. More here.

Ahead of the election there were claims that the ‘Vote for Women’ campaign had broken election law by campaigning before the date of the election had been announced. More here.

 

Election boycotts

Political parties are banned from taking part in elections but that does not stop individual party members from doing so. There has been much discussion among pro-democracy activists about whether they should do so and some did. A debate on South African television including members of outlawed parties and a government spokesman became quite heated.

 

To contest or boycott? eSwatini election divides pro-democracy activists

By Khulekani Neni, Daily Maverick (South Africa), 28 August 2023

SOURCE 

Political activists in Eswatini are deeply divided over whether to contest or boycott parliamentary elections in late September under an electoral system that bars political parties.

The tiny landlocked kingdom, which shares borders with South Africa and Mozambique, goes to the polls on 29 September to elect members of parliament two years after violent pro-democracy protests left dozens dead. 

Since 1993, Eswatini (formerly Swaziland) has held parliamentary elections every five years, but there is no legislative framework enabling the participation of political parties. Instead, aspiring parliamentarians can stand only as independents.

The nomination process takes place in Royal Kraals under the watchful eye of traditional authorities (chiefs), who can influence voters not to nominate candidates perceived to be disloyal to the chief and those seen as anti-monarchy.

Elected legislators enjoy parliamentary privilege – they can pass or block bills and they can also pass a vote of no confidence in the cabinet. But they have no constitutional powers to hold the monarch to account or to debate the royal budget.

The Eswatini legislature comprises two houses: the lower house of Assembly and the upper house of Senate. The electorate can elect only 59 of the 69 members of the lower house. The remaining 10 members are appointed by King Mswati.

The people do not elect any members of the upper house of the Senate.

Twenty senators are appointed by the king while the remaining 10 are elected by members of the lower house of Assembly. This, according to some activists, skews the composition of the Eswatini parliament in favour of the monarch and renders the legislature a rubber stamp with limited oversight.

As such, a larger section of pro-democracy activists, led by the People’s United Democratic Movement (Pudemo), has over the years boycotted elections, arguing that their participation would legitimise the prevailing system of government they abhor.

However, newly established political formations, including the Swaziland Liberation Movement (Swalimo), formed by exiled former MP Mduduzi Simelane in 2021, believe in putting more voices inside the Eswatini parliament to amplify calls for political reforms. As such, Swalimo has mobilised its members to stand for elections and to elect individuals who support political reforms. 

The party’s high-ranking officials, including Simelane’s wife, Nomalungelo, popularly known as “LaZwide”, spokesperson Thandaza Silolo and deputy secretary general Paul Matimela, have accepted nomination. 

“Our main target is to echo the call[s] for democracy inside the legislature. We take a leaf from the three MPs; Mduduzi Simelane, Mduduzi Mabuza and Mthandeni Dube,” said Silolo.

Simelane is in exile in the UK, while Mabuza and Dube have been found guilty of terrorism, among other charges. The three legislators ruffled the feathers of those in the higher echelons of power in 2021 when they courageously called for an elected prime minister with executive powers.

The participation of some activists in the parliamentary elections has deeply polarised the mass democratic movement in Eswatini to such an extent that those contesting the elections have been accused of being in bed with the regime.

Furthermore, the tense debate on whether to boycott or contest the elections has weakened pro-democracy organisations largely seen as a yoke holding together various political formations with conflicting ideologies.

In early August, Swalimo and the Swazi Democratic Party (Swadepa), withdrew from the Swaziland Multi-Stakeholder Forum (MSF), an organisation comprising political parties and civil society groups formed by the late human rights lawyer, Thulani Maseko.

Both Swalimo and Swadepa accused the MSF of “bullying” and of taking sides with groups calling for a boycott of the elections.

In a statement issued on 2 August, Swalimo stated: “[…] within the MSF Swalimo has continuously been criticised and victimised for its stance on its programs, including its participation in the national elections. […] Swalimo is convinced that the MSF has failed to be a unifier and to promote political tolerance within its members and allowed the forum to degenerate into an unnecessary battlefield of political ideas,” reads the statement in part.

Silolo, the Swalimo spokesperson, acknowledged to Daily Maverick that pro-democracy activists in Eswatini were currently not seeing eye to eye over the elections. However, he expressed hope that they would iron out their differences once the elections were over.

Meanwhile, Swadepa president Barnes Dlamini, a renowned unionist and champion of workers’ rights, said boycotting the elections had yielded no results in the past, hence his party was contesting the poll.

“Every space must be viewed as a place of struggle and, as such, parliament is no exception,” he said.

However, Pudemo president Mlungisi Makhanya says contesting the parliamentary elections cannot bring about change in Eswatini because the people elected under the current political system “do not constitute a government”. 

“Section 106(a) of the (Eswatini) Constitution is clear that ‘the supreme legislative authority of Swaziland vests in the King – in Parliament’. Subsection (b) of the very section says ‘the King and Parliament may make laws for peace, order and good government in Swaziland.

“The above two points demonstrate how the King is not only clothed with executive authority, but he also enjoys supreme legislative authority,” Makhanya said.

‘Meaningless ritual’

He said Pudemo had consistently boycotted the elections because “they refuse to be an accomplice in fooling the nation into participating in some five-year ritual which is meaningless and impactless”.

Nonetheless, Makhanya said Pudemo respected the autonomy of other political formations to participate in the elections. He further expressed hope that the leaders of the Multi-Stakeholder Forum would continue to engage political groups that had pulled out of the MSF.

Meanwhile, reacting to Swalimo’s decision to withdraw from the MSF, the organisation’s secretary general, Sikelela Dlamini, wished Swalimo and Swadepa well “as they are advancing their own course insofar as the struggle for the attainment of multiparty democracy in Swaziland is concerned”. 

“All organisations reserve the right to join or not to join any organisations,” Dlamini said.

 

To read more of this report, click here

https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2023-08-28-to-contest-or-boycott-eswatini-election-divides-pro-democracy-activists/

 

SWAZI MEDIA COMMENTARY

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Thursday, 30 July 2015

US CABLE SAYS SWAZI KING ‘IMBALANCED’

The US Embassy in Swaziland said King Mswati III was ‘not intellectually well developed’ and ‘is not a reader’. It also called him ‘imbalanced’. 
 
The comments about the Swazi King came from Earl Irvine in February 2010, when he was the US Ambassador to Swaziland.

In a confidential cable to Washington released by Wikileaks, Irvine said King Mswati, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, had a ‘lack of wisdom’.

Quoting an informant, Irvine wrote the king was ‘not a reader, and would not review documents left for him. [The informant] called the king ‘not intellectually well-developed,’ and contrasted his poor educational background with his father Sobhuza II, who was educated at Lovedale College in South Africa alongside future leaders of South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC). 

Irvine wrote, ‘Essentially a bastard outsider to the royal family, King Mswati III was plucked from relative obscurity when members of the royal family could not come to an agreement on a successor to King Sobhuza II. 

‘After Mswati III was selected to be the next king, a posthumous marriage of Sobhuza II to Ntombi [the Queen Mother] was quickly arranged, according to our interlocutor.’

Irvine wrote, ‘Unlike in his early years, the king now identifies and pushes specific projects, and will look to replace ministers or employees who are unable to provide progress on those projects.’

Irvine quoted his informant calling King Mswati ‘imbalanced’. He gave an anecdote to illustrate this. ‘The king, [the informant] said, invited about 40 officials and advisors to a basement in one of his palaces, where they all sat on the floor to attend to him. King Mswati III turned up the heater, which warmed the floor first, until the temperature in the room reached about 40 degrees Celsius, and told inconsequential stories to those gathered while they sweated, merely to show them he was in power.’

Irvine also reported that the king’s mother had a sexual affair with Lutfo Dlamini, Swaziland’s former Foreign Minister. 

And the Queen Mother Ntombi’s ‘associations with men’ had undermined the power she had to influence King Mswati’s decision-making.

Irvine called the cable he wrote to Washington ‘Witchcraft and More: A Portrait of Influences on King Mswati III’.

In the cable Irvine said, ‘traditional leaders, superstition, and members of the royal family’ were the major influences on the king. His ministers, however, ‘remain his servants’.

Irvine wrote, ‘The king’s wives’ opinions matter to the king, especially his third wife, LaMbikisa, who has an advanced degree and is the only wife to whom the king proposed.’

Irvine goes on, ‘King Mswati III believes in muti (traditional medicine used to cast spells or curses), and attempts to use muti to attack the king are taken seriously’.

He wrote, ‘In 1989 Prince Mfana Sibili was accused of high treason when he allegedly used muti to try to take away the king’s powers. When a foreign judge, brought in to hear the case, dismissed it after hearing the charges, a traditional court was installed to convict the prince.’ 

He said that ‘muti people’ hold great sway within the royal family, and that the king must eat and drink whatever they give him during traditional ceremonies, particularly when in seclusion. ‘If they are unhappy with the direction the king is taking the country, then the king has cause to worry.’ 

Irvine went on ‘Although Queen Mother Ntombi is considered by many observers to be a powerful figure within the royal family, [name of informant] indicated that her authority has been undermined by her “associations with men,” including the then Foreign Minister Lutfo Dlamini.

Irvine wrote, ‘Mswati III uses the investment company African Alliance to move his money around internationally.’

The informant indicated that ‘the king has become more decisive during his years in office, especially where his interests are at issue, and he views ministers and officials who tell him he cannot do something as cowards’.

Swazi Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini is the king’s loyal ‘hangman,’ Irvine wrote, an assertion that suggests that the king placed absolute trust in Barnabas. 

‘Instead of looking to influence the king, the Prime Minister acts as the king's steadfast servant, a relationship that dates back to a suicide attempt by Barnabas in 1990 or 1991. 

‘According to [informants] in an unsuccessful attempt kept secret from the public, Barnabas tried to commit suicide after his involvement in a corruption scandal during his tenure as Minister of Finance became known. 

‘As part of making amends to the king, Barnabas reportedly prostrated himself before the king, giving himself over as the king’s servant.’

Tuesday, 21 May 2013

HUNGRY WILL SELL THEIR VOTE FOR FOOD


Swaziland’s Minister of Labour and Social Security Lutfo Dlamini gave away 450 food hampers to elderly people in his constituency.

After the hampers were given out, attendees of the charity event were treated to a free meal made up of pap and beef.

Dlamini, who is also Ndzingeni Member of Parliament, denied to local media that he was campaigning ahead of this year’s national election. It was, he said, part of the constituency’s charity programme. 

The distribution of food to voters appears to be a sure way to win their support.  In a separate development, women in Nhlambeni interviewed by the Times of Swaziland openly admitted, ‘that due to hunger, they would not hesitate to cast their vote for people who will campaign using food’. 

One woman told the newspaper, ‘There is no way I would turn my back on food donations and of course I would not tell the world about it, but such a person would have my vote because my children and I are starving.’

Another woman said, ‘People are hungry and if they are promised food, it is highly likely that they will vote for that particular person.’

There is increasing evidence that sitting government ministers are using their position to garner favour with their constituents ahead of the election.

Minister of Health Benedict Xaba hosted a tournament for Shiselweni schools on a school day. He is expected to stand for election in his constituency. Xaba also dismissed allegations that his event would be construed as a campaign strategy. 

Minister of Sports, Culture and Youth Affairs Hlobisile Ndlovu was reported by media in Swaziland to have distributed E100 bank notes to potential voters in the small town of Pigg’s Peak in her constituency last week – this in a kingdom where about 70 per cent of the population earn less than E10 a day. 

Ndlovu is reported to have handed out the money to people drinking outside a bar.

She denied she was ‘campaigning.’ The Times of Swaziland reported her saying, ‘As a representative of the Pigg’s Peak constituency, it is my duty to give money or help those who come seeking help. I will continue giving out money until Parliament has been dissolved.’ 

Rodgers Mamba Minister of Tinkhundla Administration and Development reportedly donated 600 blankets to elderly people in his constituency. At a public event, his supporters also offered his constituents money to formally nominate Mamba to stand for election. 

Corruption is rife in Swaziland at all levels of society and the House of Assembly is no exception. In 2008, at the last national election, the kingdom’s Elections and Boundaries Commission reported, ‘corrupt practices and other offences like treating, undue influence, bribery and personating are practiced all in the name of campaigning’. 

The Commonwealth Expert Team of international observers at the 2008 election, reported at the time, ‘During the voter registration exercise, and also prior to the primary and secondary elections, there were reports of intimidation and bribery of prospective voters by politicians. Politicians allegedly also threatened voters to either register or lose certain benefits like scholarships, food aid, health facilities and job opportunities.’ 

Even Swaziland’s Attorney General Majahenkhaba Dlamini said that candidates in the election bribed voters to win parliamentary seats. Dlamini said people declared publicly that they were given money to vote.

‘Giving people money is against the law and the candidates know that but they continue defying the law’, the Swazi Observer quoted him saying in 2008. At the time many defeated candidates in the election took out court applications which complained that their competitors had paid voters. 

After the election in September 2008, the Times of Swaziland, in an editorial comment, said, ‘We no longer have an election; we have a selection of those who were able to buy their way into power.’

The Times in 2008 went on to say that the new MPs would be ripe for bribing. ‘From what we hear, corrupt MPs are there for the taking as they seek to recoup their “expenditure” on the election campaign. None of the MPs we have spoken to wish to come on record for reasons we only see as putting themselves up for the financial rewards on offer. What a shame. Individuals have pledged their first salary, plots and other gains to the MPs. The whole process has simply gone rotten and can best be described as a sham.’

Candidates know they can bribe their way to office, because in Swaziland voters are only allowed to elect individuals to parliament: they cannot vote for political parties.

That means candidates do not compete against one another in terms of what they could do if they were elected to parliament. This is simply because one single MP working alone cannot achieve anything once elected. It is only by working in consort with other MPs that polices can be put forward to parliament and accepted. That is the value of political parties.

At Swazi elections there are no discussions about policies, the best that voters are offered are essentially empty promises from candidates. Candidates talk in vague ways about bringing ‘development’ to their areas (without stating how this would be achieved). Or they make promises, such as increasing the grants to elderly people, that they know they have no way of delivering.

This reduces the election to a ‘beauty contest’ between candidates. Unless they are coerced by their chiefs to vote for a particular candidate, people will vote for the person they like the most. And, often, by ‘like’ they mean the person who has treated them well.


See also

WHERE HAVE 200,000 VOTERS COME FROM?

SWAZI ELECTION ‘WILL BE A FRAUD’

Monday, 4 March 2013

SWAZILAND AND SECRET ARMS DEAL



There are discontented murmurings in Swaziland about the reason why King Mswati III has put aside 10 percent of the nation’s annual E13.1 billion budget this year on ‘defence’ spending.

The kingdom is not at war and there are no potential enemies at the borders ready to invade. Swaziland’s international obligations in the military arena are few, so nobody expects Swazi troops to be deployed abroad anytime soon.

Government ministers will not talk about the issue, citing ‘national security’ issues as an excuse.

Despite the reluctance of King Mswati, who rules Swaziland as sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, and the government he hand-picks, to disclose its need for such high levels of ‘defence’ spending, it is possible to piece together the possible reasoning by looking at past events in Swaziland.

In 2011, the Swazi Government set aside more than E1 billion for spending on the army and police force and Finance Minister Majozi Sithole admitted that the army was prepared for an uprising by the population in Swaziland.

This followed a series of prodemocracy uprisings in North Africa, leading to what became known as the ‘Arab Spring’. King Mswati was fearful something similar could happen in his kingdom.  A Facebook group calling itself the April 12 Uprising had already called for an overthrow of the king.
In February 2011, Sithole told an open stakeholder dialogue on the 2011-2012 budget and Fiscal Adjustment Roadmap, ‘Yes, we are spending a lot on the army but we are not anticipating what is happening in North Africa to come here,’ he said.

He added, ‘However, the army is there to avoid such situations.’ 

Sithole was responding to a question about why so much money was being spent on the army and police – the total budget for Swaziland in the coming year was only E10.7 billion. The budget for the army and police was the equivalent of about half the national budget deficit (E2.243 billion for the 2011/12 fiscal year). 

Nobody was much surprised by the high ‘defence’ spending of the government. A clue to its thinking had been revealed by a United States diplomatic cable that had been published by Wikileaks. 

The cable, written in 2009 by Maurice Parker, the then US Ambassador to Swaziland, revealed that the UK Government had blocked an arms deal between a UK company Unionlet and the Swaziland Government because it feared their ‘possible use for internal repression’. 

The Swazi Government wanted to buy equipment worth US$60 million (E426 million).

Among items listed for purchase were, ‘3 Bell Model UH-1H helicopters, FN Herstal 7.6251mm Minimi light machine guns, blank and tracer ammunition, armored personnel carriers, command and control vehicles including one fitted with a 12.7x99mm M2 Browning heavy machine gun and others fitted with the FN Herstal light machine guns, military ambulances, armored repair and recovery vehicles, weapon sights, military image intensifier equipment, optical target surveillance equipment, 620 Heckler & Koch G36E assault rifles, 240 Heckler & Koch G36K assault rifles, 65 Heckler & Koch G36E rifles, 75 Heckler & Koch UMP submachine guns 9x19mm, and 35 Heckler & Koch USP semi-automatic pistols’.

The Swaziland Government said it wanted the items to fulfil its United Nations ‘peacekeeping’ obligations in Africa.

The UK Government did not believe it and thought either the weapons would be used against the Swazi civilian population, or they were being bought in order to sell on to another country, possibly Iran. The UK Government blocked the deal.

In his diplomatic cable, Parker said, ‘The array of weapons requested would not be needed for the first phases of peacekeeping, although it is possible someone tried to convince the Swazi government they were required. The GKOS [Government of the Kingdom of Swaziland] may have been attempting to build up domestic capability to deal with unrest, or was possibly acting as an intermediary for a third party such as Zimbabwe or a Middle Eastern country that had cash, diamonds or goods to trade.’

The Guardian newspaper in the United Kingdom, which first broke the story, reported at the time, Swaziland had a poor human rights record which was criticised by the US state department in its 2009 report (the year the deal was to have taken place).

‘Government agents continued to commit or condone serious abuses, and the human rights situation in the country deteriorated. Human rights problems included inability of citizens to change their government; extrajudicial killings by security forces; mob killings; police use of torture, beatings, and excessive force on detainees,’ the report said.

In the months before the attempted arms sale, Swaziland's government declared the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) the main opposition political party a terrorist organisation, and arrested its leader, Mario Masuku.

Once the cable became public in 2011, John Kunene, Principal Secretary in the Ministry of Defence, who signed the original deal in 2008, said the kingdom had never given up trying to buy the weapons.

The Swazi News, an independent newspaper in Swaziland, reported (26 February 2011) that Kunene was still trying to broker a deal.

‘We have been in constant discussion with Unionlet in buying arms for peacekeeping exercises in other countries, and have never abandoned the idea,’ the newspaper reported Kunene saying.

Kunene said the United Nations would reimburse the money Swaziland spent on the weapons. He said the weapons would be kept in Swaziland.

He attacked Parker who had raised concerns that the weapons could be used to suppress the Swazi population or be sold on and accused him of interfering in the affairs of Swaziland.

But, In March 2011 Lutfo Dlamini, who was then Minister of Defence, denied the Wikileaks report and, according to a report in the Times of Swaziland, told the Swazi Senate there was at no stage where the country spoke of purchasing guns.  

The Swazi Observer reported him saying, ‘We never bought any guns anywhere and never spent E429 million. The information leaked was misleading, it was written by someone who had his own agendas.’

Clearly, Lutfo Dlamini was not telling the truth since Kunene had already confirmed that he was still trying to broker the deal.

In March 2011 Kunene was sacked from his job after a disclosure that the Umbutfu Swaziland Defence Force (the army) had run out of food to feed its soldiers. 

A month after the Wikleaks revelation about possible arms sales to the Middle East, the AFP news agency reported Swaziland was importing two containers of firearms through a Mozambican port. 
 
AFP quoted Mozambican state daily newspaper Noticias as its source. It reported the arms arrived in Maputo, the Mozambican capital, on a Panamanian vessel on February 28 [2011] from an unspecified country.

‘The containers in question at the Maputo Port were in transit to neighbouring Swaziland, in an operation authorised by Mozambican authorities and covered by a special agreement between the governments of Mozambique and the kingdom of Mswati III,’ said the paper, citing an unnamed police source.

Noticias said the arms would be transported to Swaziland under police escort.

Mozambican police at first confirmed the existence of the shipment and later denied it. 
 
See also

SWAZI ‘SECRET ARMS DEAL FOR IRAN’
 
ARMS SHIPMENT HEADS TO SWAZILAND
 
POLICE CONFIRM ARMS SHIPMENT