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Showing posts with label liqoqo. Show all posts
Showing posts with label liqoqo. Show all posts

Monday, 12 October 2020

Swaziland absolute monarch appoints more family members to top positions as nepotism grows

King Mswati III, the absolute monarch of Swaziland (eSwatini), has appointed his first-born son Prince Sicalo to principal secretary, the top civil servant, at the Ministry of Defence.

The appointment was announced by Prime Minister Ambrose Dlamini who himself was personally appointed to his position by King Mswati.

It is the latest in the King’s long list of appointments of members of his family to top positions. Recently, Prince Lindani was appointed director of economic affairs at the King’s Office. 

Prince Sicalo already sits as a member of the Central Bank board of directors. He was educated and trained at Libya Military College and holds the rank of major in the Swazi Army, officially known as the Umbutfo eSwatini Defence Force. According to the website of the Sicalo Foundation, which he heads, he already oversees all strategic planning, development and logistics within the military. 

Swaziland is not a democracy and King Mswati rules as an absolute monarch. Political parties are banned from taking part in elections and people are only allowed to select 59 members of the House of Assembly; the King appoints a further 10. No members of the 30-member Senate are elected by the people. The King also chooses the Prime Minister and Cabinet ministers as well as senior civil servants and top judges.

Previously, King Mswati appointed his first-born daughter Princess Sikhanyiso to the post of Minister of Information, Communication and Technology. She is also a police officer, sits at the board of mobile phone company MTN and is a member of Liqoqo, a supreme traditional advisory body which is also known as the Swazi National Council Standing Committee. This group rules on matters relating to Swazi traditional law and customs.

After the most recent national election in 2018, the King appointed eight members of his family to the Senate and six to the House of Assembly. He also appointed 17 members of his own family to the kingdom’s two most influential advisory committees; Liqoqo and the Ludzidzini Council, a group of senior traditionalists centred around the King’s Ludzidzini Palace. 

The King also appointed a further 11 princes and princesses to five other committees.

Swaziland is a small landlocked country about the size of the US state of New Jersey. Seven in 10 of its estimated 1.2 population live in abject poverty with incomes less than the equivalent of US$3 per day. The King has at least 13 palaces. He and members of his extensive Royal Family (he has had at least 15 wives) live opulent lifestyles and are often seen in public wearing watches and jewels worth hundreds of thousands of dollars.

The King wore a watch worth US$1.6 million and a suit beaded with diamonds weighing 6 kg, at his 50th birthday party in April 2018. Days earlier, King Mswati took delivery of his second private jet aircraft that with upgrades was estimated to have cost US$30 million.

In November 2019, the King took delivery of a fleet of Rolls-Royce cars for his family. The cost was estimated at minimum  price tag of E52.5 million. (US$3.1 million) by US Ambassador to Swaziland, Lisa Peterson. 

See also

Swaziland’s king appoints 28 members of his family to kingdom’s committees and boards

https://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2019/04/swazilands-absolute-monarch-appoints-28.html

 

Swazi Prince runs away from Libya

https://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2011/02/swazi-prince-runs-away-from-libya.html

Saturday, 18 April 2020

The power behind the throne? How a teenager became Swaziland’s king

There has been a bit of activity on social media recently with people speculating about how would eSwatini choose a new king if the need arose. You might be interested in reading something I wrote back in 2011 about how King Mswati himself came to the throne

Richard Rooney

PLOTS, INTRIGUE AND THE SWAZI KING
Swazi Media Commentary 25 January 2011

King Mswati III of Swaziland must be a very worried man at news that court papers relating to a treason trial held in secret shortly after he came to the throne have come to light after 23 years.

The papers, which were deliberately removed from Swaziland after the trial in 1987 and have been unearthed in Namibia, could contain details about the plotting that surrounded King Mswati’s rise to power. The papers might also remind the King’s subjects that he is really only where he is today because of political intrigue. Put simply, a political group plotting within the ruling elite of Swaziland supported him. Does he owe his position and wealth to them – and who knows, if today that same group wanted to withdraw its support, what happens next?

Unlike in many societies that still have monarchs, in Swaziland the eldest child (often only the son is eligible) of a deceased monarch doesn’t simply become king once the reigning monarch dies. In Swaziland, the king is said to be chosen in accordance with Swazi law and custom. But the part of Swazi law and custom relating to the selection of a successor to a king is unknown to a majority of ordinary Swazi. 

The story of how King Mswati, who was known as Prince Makhosetive as a child, became the monarch goes like this, according to one biography. 

‘King Sobhuza II had deftly managed to hold rivalling power factions within the royal ruling alliance in check, and so his death in August 1982, left a power vacuum.’

At this time Makhosetive was 15 years old and a schoolboy at Sherborne in England.

‘In keeping with tradition, Makhosetive’s appointment by his father was not publicly announced. Before his death the King had chosen one of his queens, the childless Princess Dzeliwe, to preside over the monarchy as regent until the prince turned 21 years of age. 

‘It was in keeping with tradition that she be childless, so that she would not involve herself in a factional struggle to advance the position of her own son. Factional quarrels broke out into the open, however, in the interregnum period, while the prince was [at school] in the United Kingdom. 

‘Continuing disputes led members of the Liqoqo, a supreme traditional advisory body, to force the Queen Regent to resign. In her stead the Liqoqo appointed Queen Ntombi, Prince Makhosetive’s mother, who initially refused to take up the position.

Further disputes between royal factions led to his coronation as King Mswati III, in April 1986, three years earlier than expected.

At the time, the King was the youngest monarch in the world. 

‘Observers saw the early coronation as an attempt on the part of the Liqoqo to legitimate the usurpation of Dzeliwe and consolidate their gains in power. Prince Makhosetive, now King Mswati III, acted quickly however to disband the Liqoqo and call for parliamentary elections.

Another biography takes up the story. 

‘In May 1986 Mswati dismissed the Liqoqo, the traditional advisory council to regents, which had assumed greater powers than were customary. In July 1986 he dismissed and charged with treason Prime Minister Prince Bhekimpi and several government officials for their role in the ejection of Queen Regent Dzeliwe, though he eventually pardoned those who were convicted.’

Another biography of King Mswati says,‘King Mswati’s first two years of rule were characterized by a continuing struggle to gain control of the government and consolidate his rule.

‘Immediately following his coronation, Mswati disbanded the Liqoqo and revised his cabinet appointments. In October 1986 Prime Minister Bhekimpi Dlamini was dismissed and for the first time a nonroyal, Sotsha Dlamini, was chosen for the post.

‘Prince Bhekimpi and 11 other important Swazi figures were arrested in June 1987. [Prince] Mfanasibili, [Prince] Bhekimpi, and eight others were convicted of high treason. Eight of those convicted, however, were eventually pardoned.

‘In early 1989, rumors circulated to the effect that Prince Mfanasibili had attempted to orchestrate a coup while in prison. Other rumors suggested that Mfanasibili was planning an escape from prison for the purpose of mounting a coup. After Mswati's coronation, royal infighting and intrigue remained very much an aspect of Swazi governance.’ 

According to the Times Sunday, an independent newspaper in Swaziland, the court papers that have just come to light relate to the trial of Prince Mfanasibili, Robert Mabila and George Msibi, three of the men convicted of treason. They are now said to want redress from the present Swazi Government. Mabila had been sentenced to eight years imprisonment and Prince Mfanasibili and Msibi were given 15-year jail terms. They were released after an order from King Mswati III in 1988. 

I doubt if it is entirely a coincidence but on 15 January 2011 Prince Mfanasibili called his family together for a private meeting in which he is said to have given his version of the events surrounding the treason case. Some details of the ‘private’ meeting were reported in the Times of Swaziland yesterday (24 January 2011). 

Until now the treason court judgement has remained secret. If the three men seeking redress from the government press their case, it is difficult to see how the details can remain secret much longer.

See also

HOW A SWAZI KING IS MADE

Monday, 10 June 2019

S. African High Court told Swaziland development projects worth billions were ‘a con’

Frans Whelpton, a former law professor in South Africa, who worked closely with the Swaziland / eSwatini government on projects said to be worth billions of emalangeni that never came to anything is being accused of being a conman in a high court action.

Whelpton, once of the University of South Africa, touted projects in Swaziland, including the construction of a coal-fired power station, a social upliftment project, and creation of a free trade zone.

The Sunday Times newspaper in Johannesburg reported (9 June 2019) that a Pretoria doctor Francois Olivier is suing Whelpton in the Pretoria High Court for R6m (US$400,000), saying the former professor’s ‘grand promises were no more than a con’.

It added, ‘He says his case is just the tip of the iceberg and that over the years Whelpton has pocketed about R100m from up to 40 people.’

Whelpton denied the claim and in turn issued a defamation action against Olivier, demanding R1m in damages.

Whelpton was widely known in Swaziland for many years and was said to be close to King Mswati III, who rules the kingdom as an absolute monarch.

The Sunday Times reported that Olivier said in his court papers, there were a series of ‘fraudulent misrepresentations’ by Whelpton, which included that he had acquired rights to the:
The Sunday Times reported, ‘[O]ne of Whelpton’s central claims - that the UN is providing millions of dollars for his work on recording customary law in eSwatini - could not be confirmed this week. A spokesperson for the UN in SA, Zeenat Abdool, told the Sunday Times none of the UN agencies operating in SA had any record of dealing with Whelpton.’

The newspaper added, ‘Seven years ago, in a separate case, a Pretoria court ordered Whelpton to pay R10m each to two doctors, Reynhardt van Rooyen and Johannes Kok, after an alleged eSwatini health-care project in which Whelpton promised them a leading role failed to materialise.’

See also

Mystery man in King’s jet saga found


$5bn Swazi power plant was a con
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2010/12/5bn-swazi-power-plant-was-con.html

Tuesday, 16 April 2019

Swaziland’s king appoints 28 members of his family to kingdom’s committees and boards

King Mswati III, the absolute monarch of Swaziland / eSwatini, has appointed seventeen members of his own family to the kingdom’s two most influential advisory committees.

This is in addition to the eight members of the Royal Family he previously appointed to the Swazi Senate and six to the House of Assembly.

The announcement of the appointments was made in a statement from the King’s Office. 

King Mswati appointed 10 princes and princesses to the 23-member Liqoqo, a supreme traditional advisory body which is also known as the Swazi National Council Standing Committee. This group rules on matters relating to Swazi traditional law and customs.

King Mswati also appointed seven members of his family to the 17-member Ludzidzini Council, a group of senior traditionalists centred around the King’s Ludzidzini Palace. The Ludzidzini governor is also known as the traditional prime minister and has more status in the kingdom than Ambrose Dlamini the man King Mswati appointed Prime Minister to lead the cabinet the King also hand-picked.

As well as the 17 members of his family he appointed to Liqoqo and Ludzidzini, King Mswati appointed a further 11 princes and princesses to five other committees.

The Swaziland Solidarity Network, a group banned in Swaziland because it advocates for multi-party democracy, said in a statement, ‘These appointments by King Mswati confirms our long held view that the king believes that the country is his own farm where he does what he wants without taking into consideration the people’s views or interests.’

In October 2018, following the national election, King Mswati appointed eight members of his Royal Family to the kingdom’s Senate and six to the House of Assembly. Elections for the House of Assembly were held on 21 September 2018. Political parties are banned from taking part and people are only allowed to select 59 members; the King appoints a further 10. No members of the 30-member Senate are elected by the people. The King also chooses the Prime Minister and Cabinet ministers as well as senior civil servants and top judges.

The full results of the 2018 House of Assembly elections have not been made public by the Elections and Boundaries Commission, the group that ran the election. Only the names of the winning candidate in each constituency is readily available. Withholding of results is common in Swaziland; the full results of the previous House of Assembly election in 2013 are not public.

Swaziland was a British Protectorate until 1968. In the years following independence Swaziland was a parliamentary democracy. In 1973 King Sobhuza II proclaimed a Royal Decree after he objected to his subjects electing members of a political party that was not under his control. 

He abolished the kingdom’s constitution and announced, I have assumed supreme power in the Kingdom of Swaziland and that all Legislative, Executive and Judicial power is vested in myself.’

Even though Swaziland adopted a new constitution in 2006, the kingdom, now ruled by King Mswati III, remains an absolute monarchy.  

Swaziland is a small landlocked country about the size of the US state of New Jersey. Seven in 10 of its estimated 1.2 population live in abject poverty with incomes less than the equivalent of US$3 per day. The King has at least 13 palaces and fleets of top-of-the-range Mercedes and BMW cars. He and members of his extensive Royal Family (he has had at least 15 wives) live opulent lifestyles and are often seen in public wearing watches and jewels worth hundreds of thousands of dollars.

The King wore a watch worth US$1.6 million and a suit beaded with diamonds weighing 6 kg, at his 50th birthday party in April 2018. Days earlier, King Mswati took delivery of his second private jet aircraft that with upgrades was estimated to have cost US$30 million.

In recent years public hospitals have run out of vital medicines and schools have closed because supplies of food to feed children have run out. This is because the government failed to pay suppliers. 



See also

Anniversary of day Swaziland stopped being a democracy and became absolute monarchy approaches
Swaziland King appoints eight of his family to Senate amid reports of widespread vote buying elsewhere

Monday, 24 April 2017

SWAZI KING’S ‘GOD DELUSION’

King Mswati III, who rules as an absolute monarch over the destitute kingdom of Swaziland, appears to have a God delusion.

The King and his family say they have a direct-line to God. In 2013, King Mswati’s elder brother, Prince Masitsela Dlamini, told African Eye News Service that God had given the royal family authority to rule over other Swazi clans. ‘The Dlaminis are closer to God,’ said Dlamini.

In 2011, the King said God spoke to him through a TV remote control. It happened at the Lozitha Palace, near Mbabane. At the time the King told his subjects about his ‘miraculous experience’.

The Times of Swaziland, the kingdom’s only independent daily newspaper, reported in October 2011, ‘His Majesty saw a miracle yesterday when he was preparing a sermon [to preach to a group of evangelical Christians.] The King said a remote control lay at the centre of a coffee table but something mysteriously brought it down.

‘He said there was no person or wind that could have brought it down.  The King said he realised that God was with him.  It was Him who brought the remote control down.’


Reverend Jonas Dlamini, one of the king’s preachers, said, ‘The King preached to us. He was filled with the light of the Lord when he told us that God had given him a sign when he was getting ready to meet us.  He said a TV remote on his table dropped to the floor with no one touching it and that is how he knew God was communicating with him.’

In September 2013, the King himself told his subjects he had received a vision during a thunderstorm and was told that the political system in Swaziland that puts the King at the head and bans political parties should from then on be called ‘Monarchical Democracy.’

It helps the King and his supporters if people think King Mswati is chosen by God. It suggests the King has special abilities and wisdom. For that reason, his word must be obeyed. Those who speak against the King, speak also against God and who can dare criticise God?

Of course, King Mswati wasn’t chosen by God. A political group plotting within the ruling elite of Swaziland chose him. 


The Nation, a monthly magazine of comment in Swaziland, in July 2008 reported extensively about a documentary called Without The King that revealed how the present King came to the throne – and the manoeuvrings were positively Shakespearian.

Unlike in many societies that still have monarchs, in Swaziland the eldest son doesn’t simply become king once the reigning monarch dies. The king is chosen ‘by virtue of the rank and character of his mother in accordance with Swazi law and custom’. But the part of Swazi law and custom relating to the selection of a successor to a king is unknown to a majority of ordinary Swazi. It may include the mother to the heir.

The Nation reported, ‘In the documentary, King Mswati III shed some light on how he got to know that he would be the next King of Swaziland.

‘He said then he was about 12½ years of age and it was after the demise of his father, King Sobhuza II when the news were broke to him.

‘King Mswati III did not say anything about his mother who was then an ordinary wife to the late king. It was not until the then Supreme Council (Liqoqo) removed the then Queen Regent for the biological mother to the then Crown Prince that she was appointed to office.

‘The act drew reprisals for the Liqoqo members who ousted the then Queen Regent.

‘After the King was crowned, the Liqoqo members were charged with high treason arising from their decision to remove the Queen Regent Dzeliwe. Some were found guilty and sentenced to imprisonment terms as high as 15 years.

‘The King subsequently pardoned them.’

One biography of King Mswati  says the story of how King Mswati, who was known as Prince Makhosetive as a child, became the monarch goes like this. 

‘King Sobhuza II had deftly managed to hold rivalling power factions within the royal ruling alliance in check, and so his death in August 1982, left a power vacuum.’

At this time Makhosetive was 15 years old and a schoolboy at Sherborne in England.

‘In keeping with tradition, Makhosetive’s appointment by his father was not publicly announced. Before his death the King had chosen one of his queens, the childless Princess Dzeliwe, to preside over the monarchy as regent until the prince turned 21 years of age. 

‘It was in keeping with tradition that she be childless, so that she would not involve herself in a factional struggle to advance the position of her own son. Factional quarrels broke out into the open, however, in the interregnum period, while the prince was [at school] in the United Kingdom. 

‘Continuing disputes led members of the Liqoqo, a supreme traditional advisory body, to force the Queen Regent to resign. In her stead the Liqoqo appointed Queen Ntombi, Prince Makhosetive’s mother, who initially refused to take up the position.

Further disputes between royal factions led to his coronation as King Mswati III, at the age of 18, in April 1986, three years earlier than expected.

At the time, the King was the youngest monarch in the world. 

‘Observers saw the early coronation as an attempt on the part of the Liqoqo to legitimate the usurpation of Dzeliwe and consolidate their gains in power. Prince Makhosetive, now King Mswati III, acted quickly however to disband the Liqoqo and call for parliamentary elections.

In May 1986 Mswati dismissed the Liqoqo, the traditional advisory council to regents, which had assumed greater powers than were customary. In July 1986 he dismissed and charged with treason Prime Minister Prince Bhekimpi and several government officials for their role in the ejection of Queen Regent Dzeliwe, though he eventually pardoned those who were convicted.

Another biography of King Mswati says, ‘King Mswati’s first two years of rule were characterized by a continuing struggle to gain control of the government and consolidate his rule.

‘Immediately following his coronation, Mswati disbanded the Liqoqo and revised his cabinet appointments. In October 1986 Prime Minister Bhekimpi Dlamini was dismissed and for the first time a nonroyal, Sotsha Dlamini, was chosen for the post.

‘Prince Bhekimpi and 11 other important Swazi figures were arrested in June 1987. [Prince] Mfanasibili, [Prince] Bhekimpi, and eight others were convicted of high treason. Eight of those convicted, however, were eventually pardoned.

In 2011, court papers relating to the treason trial that was held in secret come to light after 23 years. The papers that had been deliberately removed from Swaziland after the trial in 1987 were unearthed in Namibia. 

They have not been released to the public and might contain details about the plotting that surrounded King Mswati’s rise to power. The papers might also remind the King’s subjects that he is really only where he is today because of political intrigue.

See also

SWAZI KING’S PRIVATE LINE TO GOD
IS SWAZI KING SENT BY GOD?
FEARS OVER KING’S MENTAL HEALTH
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2011/10/fears-over-kings-mental-health.html

Tuesday, 6 January 2015

SWAZI KING FELL FOR US$5bn CON-TRICK



The controversy surrounding the Swazi Government’s award of a US$90 million contract to build an oil storage facility without going through the legally-required tender process has rekindled memories of the time King Mswati III fell for a US$5 billion con-trick. 

It involved a contract that was similarly awarded without a public tender process and it raised doubts over the Swazi King’s ability to do business in the international arena.

In 2009, King Mswati, who rules Swaziland as sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, announced he had secured US$5 billion through ‘donor aid’ to pay for two coal-powered electricity generating stations to be built in the kingdom.

The King deliberately bypassed the Swazi Government (which he personally hand-picked) and the King’s Office negotiated the deal with a firm calling itself Franken Mining. 

Prince Mangaliso-Logcogco, chair of Liqoqo, the group that advises the King, said at the time, ‘We wanted to avoid the delays, bickering and disagreements that characterise many government projects.’
The Times of Swaziland quoted the Prince saying the rights to coal reserves in Swaziland had been allocated to Franken Mining.
The Times of Swaziland quoted Prince Mangaliso-Logcogco saying that to avoid delays in seeing the project actually taking off, government had not been involved. He said government would only be brought on board once all important aspects had been covered. 

Prince Mangaliso-Logcogco said, ‘Land and minerals are under the control of the King.’ He said, ‘That is the level at which this matter is being handled.’ 

The NGO, the Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations (SCCCO), was quick to raise concerns about the project. In a statement it said the project, ‘has the potential to destabilise the country, ruin the environment, destroy communities and set back the cause of poverty reduction by many years if not forever.’

Prince Mangaliso-Logcogco, in an interview with the Times Sunday newspaper, called the SCCCO ‘Judas’ and launched a bitter personal attack on SCCCO chair Bishop Mabuza and the whole Anglican Church. 

The sums involved in the power station deal were vast: US$5 billion was roughly the equivalent of Swaziland’s entire gross domestic product at the time. The total amount of imports into Swaziland in 2008 was worth roughly US$2 billion. 

Within hours of the King’s announcement which received wide coverage in Swaziland itself, journalists outside the kingdom smelt a rat when they could find no trace of a company called Franken Mining.

Swazi Media Commentary reported at the time, ‘The deal is shrouded in secrecy. [Swazi Media Commentary] and others have separately been trying to find out more details and have come up against a brick wall. Top of our list of concerns is that none of us can even find a company with the name Franken Mining. Nor is it clear which international donor agencies have contributed the funding or what process was gone through before awarding the contract to Franken.’ 

‘We are right to be suspicious since Swaziland has a long track record of corruption and financial incompetence. It is estimated by the Swazi Government itself that E40 million (US4 million) is lost to corruption in Swaziland each and every month.’

It took more than 18 months before Prince Mangaliso-Logcogco admitted the King and Liqoqo had been conned by criminals who wanted to use Swaziland to launder money.

In an interview in the Times Sunday in December 2010, he said the main intention for the unnamed donors to finance the projects in Swaziland was to gain tax relief for their respective companies and associations. 

They were to apply to the US and some governments affiliated to the European Union (EU) for their companies to be granted tax relief because of their involvement in humanitarian activities in developing countries across the globe.

‘We discovered that they were a syndicate hell-bent on money laundering tactics when we checked their genuineness. I can confirm that the projects we announced last year will not take off. We can’t deal with those people who wanted to help us because their financial activities are not so clean,’ Prince Mangaliso-Logcogco told the newspaper.

He did not explain why the King ever thought Franken was legitimate, since there was no trace of their company anywhere and the amount of money it claimed to have to invest was so huge – about five times the size of Swaziland’s annual budget. 

In December 2014, in controversial circumstances, the Swazi House of Assembly passed an Act of Parliament to pay a legitimate South African company called Kantey and Templer Consulting Engineers nearly US$90 million to build oil storage facilities at Phuzumoya, in the Lubombo region.

The contract had not been put out to open tender and a number of Swazi parliamentarians questioned the manner in which the deal was done. 

One Senator, Chief Kekela, said Swaziland had experienced a number of projects that have failed as a result of companies whose profiles and credibility was not considered. ‘We have seen companies that have come and made heavenly promises that have however not come to effect and failed and I must say I do not want to work on risks here as a risk is dangerous, we should not therefore risk with the Swazi people,’ the Senator said.

See also

$5bn SWAZI POWER PLANT WAS A CON

GOVT UNDER FIRE IN US$90m OIL DEAL

Monday, 6 October 2014

‘QUEEN MOTHER MARRIED A CORPSE’

Swaziland’s Queen Mother Ntfombi Tfwala only married King Mswati III’s father King Sobhuza II after he had died, raising doubts as to the legitimacy of the present King’s right to be monarch.

A new article in the National Geographic magazine says Tfwala had to marry the corpse of King Sobhuza II in attempt to ease King Mswati’s path to the throne.

Jonathan W. Rosen writes in the magazine, ‘When Sobhuza died in 1982, his most senior wife, Queen Dzeliwe, assumed the regency, though in a break with tradition the Liqoqo [the most important group of traditionalist leaders in Swaziland] soon had her dismissed, feeling threatened by a probe into corruption and a series of attempted reforms that had been initiated by Dzeliwe’s prime minister. In her place the Liqoqo appointed Queen Ntfombi Tfwala, the mother of one of Sobhuza’s younger sons, the 15-year-old Prince Makhosetive, who was summoned from boarding school in England and introduced as Swaziland’s king-in-waiting. In April 1986, upon reaching his 18th birthday, Makhosetive was crowned King Mswati III [three years earlier than expected].’

Rosen continues, ‘Although treated today as blasphemy, it’s an open secret inside Swaziland that Ntfombi, who continues to hold the powerful post of queen mother, was never married to Sobhuza during his reign. She was a teenage maid in the house of one of his favorite wives, and was banished from the royal household when she became pregnant in 1967—a scenario recounted by Swazi elders to the civil liberties watchdog Freedom House and corroborated to me by multiple sources inside and outside of Swaziland. Sixteen years later, seeking to replace Queen Dzeliwe with a successor they could control, the Liqoqo found Ntfombi in a working-class Manzini neighborhood. In a highly usual ceremony, they staged a marriage between Ntfombi and Sobhuza’s corpse and installed her as a ruling figurehead until Mswati’s coronation.

‘Today, the consequences of this bizarre sequence of events are many. Never intended to be king, Mswati was not properly prepared for the role of monarch, says Mandla Hlatshwayo, who dealt routinely with Mswati as the president of Swaziland’s chamber of commerce and is now a prominent critic-in-exile. Unlike Sobhuza, who was groomed for the position from birth, Mswati was raised with “no expectation that he could be anything,” Hlatshwayo tells me via telephone from South Africa. Despite being sent by the royal family to a boarding school in England, Hlatshwayo says, he never developed crucial skills of diplomacy or proper respect for Swazi traditions.

‘Owing his position to others, moreover, Mswati assumed the kingship with the understanding he would need to please his many senior princes—a situation critics say has facilitated high-level corruption, stretched the palace budget, and resulted in cabinets filled to an unprecedented level with members of the royal family. This concentration of royal power, says Sipho Gumedze, a Manzini-based human rights lawyer, has also diminished the influence of local chiefs, who live among the masses and are therefore better positioned to advocate for the needs of average Swazis.’

Rosen’s account is not the first time that the circumstances of King Mswati’s rise to power have been publicly discussed. In Swaziland, where the King rules as sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, his subjects are encouraged to believe the King was chosen by God.

However, the truth is more mundane. One biography of King Mswati reports, ‘Observers saw the early coronation as an attempt on the part of the Liqoqo to legitimate the usurpation of Dzeliwe and consolidate their gains in power.’ King Mswati acted quickly however to disband the Liqoqo and call for parliamentary elections.

In May 1986 King Mswati dismissed the Liqoqo, the traditional advisory council to regents, which had assumed greater powers than were customary. In July 1986 he dismissed and charged with treason Prime Minister Prince Bhekimpi and several government officials for their role in the ejection of Queen Regent Dzeliwe, though he eventually pardoned those who were convicted.

Another biography of King Mswati says, ‘King Mswati’s first two years of rule were characterized by a continuing struggle to gain control of the government and consolidate his rule.

‘Immediately following his coronation, Mswati disbanded the Liqoqo and revised his cabinet appointments. In October 1986 Prime Minister Bhekimpi Dlamini was dismissed and for the first time a nonroyal, Sotsha Dlamini, was chosen for the post.

‘Prince Bhekimpi and 11 other important Swazi figures were arrested in June 1987. [Prince] Mfanasibili, [Prince] Bhekimpi, and eight others were convicted of high treason. Eight of those convicted, however, were eventually pardoned.’

In 2011, court papers relating to the treason trial that was held in secret come to light after 23 years. The papers that had been deliberately removed from Swaziland after the trial in 1987 were unearthed in Namibia. 

They have not been released to the public and might contain details about the plotting that surrounded King Mswati’s rise to power. The papers might also remind the King’s subjects that he is really only where he is today because of political intrigue.


See also

HOW A SWAZI KING IS MADE
PLOTS, INTRIGUE AND THE SWAZI KING
SCHOOLBOOK REVEALS ROYAL FAMILY RIFT