Search This Blog

Showing posts with label Royal decree. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Royal decree. Show all posts

Saturday, 10 April 2021

Remembering the Swaziland ‘uprising’ of 2011

It is 10 years since the attempted ‘uprising’ by pro-democracy campaigners against the Swaziland state and absolute monarch King Mswati III. It started on 12 April 2011, organised through the Internet and attracted international attention.

It was inspired by the so-called Arab Spring where people in North Africa turned against their own repressive governments.

In Swaziland (since renamed eSwatini by King Mswati) political parties are not allowed to contest elections, the King appoints the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers as well as top public servants and judiciary. Those advocating democracy are prosecuted and jailed under the Suppression of Terrorism Act.

The Swaziland ‘uprising’ was brutally put down by state forces. Leaders were arrested and later jailed. The state violence was condemned across the world.

Amnesty International said at the time, ‘We are alarmed by the levels of state violence in the past 24 hours and the numbers of arbitrary and secret detentions witnessed during this period and fear that those targeted may be at risk of torture.’

The United States called ‘on the Government of Swaziland to respect the rights of all its citizens to freedom of assembly and freedom of expression, which are guaranteed by the Swazi Constitution and by international human rights instruments’.

April 12 marks the day in 1973 when King Sobhuza II tore up the country’s constitution and introduced a Royal Decree giving him full control over Swaziland. That Decree is still in place.

For moment by moment coverage of the 2011 ‘uprising’ follow this link.

https://swazimedia.blogspot.com/search/label/April%2012%20Uprising

Richard Rooney

Pictures taken in Manzini, Swaziland’s main commercial city, during the protests.

 




Monday, 29 March 2021

‘Drastic deterioration’ in Swaziland human rights, United Nations’ investigation told

There has been a ‘drastic deterioration’ in human rights in Swaziland (eSwatini), a United Nations group investigating the kingdom, ruled by absolute monarch King Mswati III, was told.

Human Rights Watch said since the 1973 Royal Decree, ‘political parties are banned, the judiciary is severely compromised, and repressive laws have been used to target independent organizations and harass civil society activists’.

In a submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review of Swaziland, Human Rights Watch said, ‘There has been no progress on essential rights reforms, including the removal of all legislative and practical restrictions to free exercise of civil and political rights, in particular those related to freedom of association and expression to allow the registration and operation of political parties; introducing greater political freedoms through free, fair, transparent democratic elections; ensuring the right to health without discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity; abolition of the death penalty; and decriminalization of same-sex relations and prevention of discrimination based on marital status and sexual orientation.

‘The government has yet to ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture, despite previously agreeing to do so.’

Human Rights Watch added, ‘The government has yet to repeal, or amend as appropriate, a number of repressive laws that restrict basic rights to freedom of association and assembly, despite these rights also being guaranteed in eSwatini’s 2005 constitution.

‘Police have sweeping powers under the Public Order Act. The king’s 1973 decree banning political parties remains in force despite repeated calls from local political activists to have it revoked. The constitution does not address the formation or role of political parties. Section 79 of the constitution provides that eSwatini practices an electoral system based on individual merit and excludes the participation of political parties in elections. Traditional leaders and chiefs have powers to restrict access to their areas, and have often used these powers to bar civil society groups and political groups like the Ngwane National Liberatory Congress (NNLC) and the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO).’

It added, ‘Restrictions on freedom of association and assembly continue. On October 20, 2020, the High Court heard a challenge by the eSwatini Sexual and Gender Minorities (ESGM), a human rights community-based advocacy organization which aims to advance the protection of human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual transgender and intersex persons. In September 2019, the eSwatini Registrar of Companies had refused to register ESGM as a company saying that “ESGM’s objectives were unlawful because same-sex sexual acts are illegal in the country.”’

Human Rights Watch is calling on the Swazi Government to guarantee freedoms of association, assembly, and expression, including freedom of association on the basis of sexual orientation and to revoke the king’s 1973 decree on political parties, allow the registration and operation of political parties, and introduce multi-party democratic elections.

Earlier this month (March 2021) Freedom House in its annual report declared Swaziland was ‘not free’.

It reported, ‘The king exercises ultimate authority over all branches of the national government and effectively controls local governance through his influence over traditional chiefs. Political dissent and civic and labor activism are subject to harsh punishment under sedition and other laws. Additional human rights problems include impunity for security forces and discrimination against women and LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) people.’

The Universal Periodic Review is a process through which all UN Member States are provided the opportunity to review the human rights records of all other Member States.  At the same time, each State under review has the opportunity to report on human rights conditions within their own borders, including actions that have been taken to address concerns detailed by other States. 

 See also

Swaziland still ‘not free,’ human rights group Freedom House reports

https://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2021/03/swaziland-still-not-free-human-rights.html

 

Anniversary of day Swaziland stopped being a democracy and became absolute monarchy

https://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2020/04/anniversary-of-day-swaziland-stopped.html

Sunday, 12 April 2020

Anniversary of day Swaziland stopped being a democracy and became absolute monarchy

It was 47 years ago today (12 April 2020) that Swaziland (now known as eSwatini) stopped being a parliamentary democracy and became an absolute monarchy.
On 12 April 1973 King Sobhuza II proclaimed a Royal Decree after he objected to his subjects electing members of a political party that was not under his control. He tore up the kingdom’s constitution that had been in place since Swaziland gained independence from Britain in 1968. Even though Swaziland adopted a new constitution in 2006, the kingdom, now ruled by King Mswati III, remains an absolute monarchy.  
In his decree King Sobhuza announced, ‘I have assumed supreme power in the Kingdom of Swaziland and that all Legislative, Executive and Judicial power is vested in myself.’ 
He added, ‘The Constitution is indeed the cause of growing unrest, insecurity, dissatisfaction with the state of affairs in our country and an impediment to free and progressive development in all spheres of life.’ 
He also said, ‘All political parties and similar bodies that cultivate and bring about disturbances and ill-feelings within the Nations are hereby dissolved and prohibited.’ 
He said, ‘Any person who forms or attempts or conspires to form a political party or who organises or participates in any way in any meeting, procession or demonstration in contravention of this decree shall be guilty of an offence and liable, on conviction, to imprisonment not exceeding six months.’

In 1973 the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) believed King Sobhuza had taken control from the Swazi Parliament because he feared people were becoming educated and would mount a serious threat to his power.
In 1968 Swaziland had what the CIA called a ‘British-imposed’ constitution with a formal ‘Western style’ parliament working alongside the Swazi National Council (SNC), ‘a group of chiefs and headmen dominated by the King’.
In a secret report which has since been declassified the CIA stated, ‘In theory the SNC only dealt with tribal matters but it always maintained a strong voice in governmental affairs.’
It added, ‘The veneer provided by the British-imposed constitution and parliamentary form of government left the King a great deal of room for exercising political power but it also left room for a substantial degree of political manoeuvring by non-traditional oriented political parties.
‘King Sobhuza staked his prestige on the formation of his own political party [the Imbkodvo National Movement] and won an overwhelming victory, sweeping 24 seats, during the country’s first post-independence election in 1967. During the next election in 1973, however, Sobhuza’s party lost three of the 24 parliamentary seats [to the Ngwane National Liberatory Congress] and the King dissolved Parliament, suspended the Constitution, and assumed power by decree.’
The CIA report added, ‘Most of the vote against Sobhuza’s party in 1973 came from an area that contained the capital city [Mbabane], much of the country’s developed industry, the civil servants, and almost half of Swaziland’s urban population.
‘While many observers did not feel that the loss of three parliamentary seats represented a serious threat to the King and his party, the King probably interpreted the vote as the initial stages of the breakdown of tribal authority.’
The CIA report stated, ‘As the Swazi people and the economy become more sophisticated, Sobhuza’s autocratic style is being viewed as an anachronism by growing numbers of educated Swaziland.’
A confidential cable (later declassified) from the US Embassy in Swaziland to the State Department in Washington dated 13 April 1973, the day after King Sobhuza’s proclamation, read in part, ‘King Sobhuza stated he had taken drastic action to prevent breakdown of law and order and to reverse process of disharmony, bitterness and division which existed in country. Prince Sifuba [head of the Swazi National Council], on behalf Swazi nation, had stated that nation wished King to know it had never been so divided as at present. King laid blame for present “very serious situation” in country directly to constitution which introduced “undesirable political activities” into country bringing bitterness and threats to peace, law and order.’
It added, ‘Extent of action surprised Western observers who perceive no serious threat to law and order. Non-Swazis and even some Swazis profess belief King yielded to pressures and over-reacted to insignificant opposition.’
The cable said the King repealed the Swaziland constitution, dismissed parliament and assumed personal control of the country as King-in-Council. 
The cable listed what it called some ‘fairly tame’ activities that had taken place in the previous months that traditionalists and monarchists said was disruptive. These included brief work stoppages at the Havelock and Ngwenya mines; some civil servants requested a meeting of all civil servants in December 1972 because they were dissatisfied with wage increases; modernization and proliferation of commerce and industry in Swaziland had led to attempts to organize unions; students had voiced complaints and grievances and there had been growing pressure in the rural areas for different rules for land tenure which, the cable said, implied a reduction in the real power of the local chief.
Political parties remain banned in Swaziland and the King choses all members of the government and the judiciary. He also chooses 10 members of the House of Assembly, allowing his subjects to select the other 59 members. No members of the Swazi Senate are elected by the people. 
In 2013, Swaziland’s Attorney-General Majahenkhaba Dlamini said there was no need to annul the Royal Decree. 
He was reacting to a report in the Times Sunday, an independent newspaper in Swaziland,  that traditionalists stopped the decree being repealed when Swaziland’s Constitution came into force in 2006. He believed the Constitution in effect annulled the Royal Decree.
According to the Times Sunday ‘influential traditionalists’ feared Swaziland ‘could become a republic if this law was repealed’.
The newspaper said preparations to abandon the Royal Decree in 2005 were far advanced and a gazette had been drawn up.
The newspaper quoted one of the traditionalists, Brigadier General Fonono Dube, who was a member of Liqoqo, an advisory council to the King, saying, ‘There was no way we could have revoked a law that establishes the country. We couldn’t have allowed the authorities of the country to annul the decree because that would have turned the country into a republic. We don’t need a president in Swaziland. We need the King.’
The anniversary of the Royal Decree is marked by pro-democracy advocates in Swaziland. It is usual for the State police and armed forces to intervene. The Suppression of Terrorism Act 2008 makes it illegal to campaign for democracy. 
See also
Swaziland state ‘terrorises’ its people
Swaziland ‘becoming military state’
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2013/04/swaziland-becoming-military-state.html

Tuesday, 2 July 2019

Swaziland’s US Ambassador renews call to scrap decree that keeps king absolute monarch

Lisa Peterson, United States Ambassador to Swaziland / eSwatini, has renewed her call for the Royal Decree that keeps King Mswati III in power as an absolute monarch to be scrapped.

She said that failure to unequivocally revoke the 1973 proclamation created uncertainty and hindered development in the kingdom.

She was speaking at an event to mark the US Independence Day which falls on 4 July. She also renewed her call for political parties to be allowed to operate and contest elections.

On 12 April 1973 King Sobhuza II proclaimed a Royal Decree after he objected to his subjects electing members of a political party that was not under his control. He tore up the kingdom’s constitution that had been in place since Swaziland gained independence from Britain in 1968. Even though Swaziland adopted a new constitution in 2006, the kingdom, now ruled by King Mswati, remains an absolute monarchy.  

In his decree King Sobhuza announced, ‘I have assumed supreme power in the Kingdom of Swaziland and that all Legislative, Executive and Judicial power is vested in myself.’ 

Swaziland holds national elections but the people are only allowed to choose 59 members of the House of Assembly, the King appoints another 10. No members of the Swazi Senate are elected by the people, the King appoints 20 and the House elects 10. The King appoints the Prime Minister and cabinet ministers, as well as senior judges and civil servants.

Immediately following the most recent election in 2018, the King appointed eight members of his Royal Family to the kingdom’s Senate and six to the House of Assembly. Later, in April 2019, he appointed 28 members of his family to various committees and boards in the kingdom, including 10 princes and princesses to the 23-member Liqoqo, a supreme traditional advisory body which is also known as the Swazi National Council Standing Committee. This group rules on matters relating to Swazi traditional law and customs.

King Mswati also appointed seven members of his family to the 17-member Ludzidzini Council, a group of senior traditionalists centred around the King’s Ludzidzini Palace. The Ludzidzini governor is also known as the traditional prime minister and has more status in the kingdom than Ambrose Dlamini the man King Mswati appointed Prime Minister to lead the cabinet the King also hand-picked.

Ambassador Peterson has called for the Royal Decree to be scrapped before. Last year she wrote an article that was published in both of Swaziland two national newspapers saying, ‘Former Minister of Justice Edgar Hillary went to Geneva in 2017 and told the United Nations Human Rights Commission that the 1973 Decree had been repealed by the Constitution. If this can be said to the outside world, why can it not be explicitly stated to the Swati nation? And if the Decree has truly been repealed, why do officials act as if it is still in place?’

She wrote in favour of political parties, ‘[P]arties are critical to enabling individuals to join forces around common issues and pool their resources – intellectual, financial and organizational – to advance policies and candidates they believe will best serve their communities. In this moment of severe financial adversity, emaSwati need such collective community advocacy more than ever. It is time to start a dialogue on this issue and plot a way forward.’

Peterson is not alone in advocating for political parties in Swaziland. In 2013 the EU which is a major donor of aid to Swaziland told King Mswati he must allow political parties to operate in his kingdom as it was important that international principles of democracy were upheld in Swaziland.

In October 2012, the United Kingdom also called for political parties to be un-banned in Swaziland.

See also

Anniversary of day Swaziland stopped being a democracy and became absolute monarchy approaches
U.S. Ambassador supports parties
EU tells King: ‘free parties’
UK calls for parties to be un-banned
Royal Decree should stay: Swazi A-G

Tuesday, 9 April 2019

Anniversary of day Swaziland stopped being a democracy and became absolute monarchy approaches

It is approaching 46 years since Swaziland (now known as /eSwatini) stopped being a parliamentary democracy and became an absolute monarchy.

On 12 April 1973 King Sobhuza II proclaimed a Royal Decree after he objected to his subjects electing members of a political party that was not under his control. He tore up the kingdom’s constitution that had been in place since Swaziland gained independence from Britain in 1968. Even though Swaziland adopted a new constitution in 2006, the kingdom, now ruled by King Mswati III, remains an absolute monarchy.  

In his decree King Sobhuza announced, ‘I have assumed supreme power in the Kingdom of Swaziland and that all Legislative, Executive and Judicial power is vested in myself.’ 

He added, ‘The Constitution is indeed the cause of growing unrest, insecurity, dissatisfaction with the state of affairs in our country and an impediment to free and progressive development in all spheres of life.’ 

He also said, ‘All political parties and similar bodies that cultivate and bring about disturbances and ill-feelings within the Nations are hereby dissolved and prohibited.’ 

He said, ‘Any person who forms or attempts or conspires to form a political party or who organises or participates in any way in any meeting, procession or demonstration in contravention of this decree shall be guilty of an offence and liable, on conviction, to imprisonment not exceeding six months.’ 

In 1973 the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) believed King Sobhuza had taken control from the Swazi Parliament because he feared people were becoming educated and would mount a serious threat to his power.

In 1968 Swaziland had what the CIA called a ‘British-imposed’ constitution with a formal ‘Western style’ parliament working alongside the Swazi National Council (SNC), ‘a group of chiefs and headmen dominated by the King’.

In a secret report which has since been declassified the CIA stated, ‘In theory the SNC only dealt with tribal matters but it always maintained a strong voice in governmental affairs.’

It added, ‘The veneer provided by the British-imposed constitution and parliamentary form of government left the King a great deal of room for exercising political power but it also left room for a substantial degree of political manoeuvring by non-traditional oriented political parties.

‘King Sobhuza staked his prestige on the formation of his own political party [the Imbkodvo National Movement] and won an overwhelming victory, sweeping 24 seats, during the country’s first post-independence election in 1967. During the next election in 1973, however, Sobhuza’s party lost three of the 24 parliamentary seats [to the Ngwane National Liberatory Congress] and the King dissolved Parliament, suspended the Constitution, and assumed power by decree.’

The CIA report added, ‘Most of the vote against Sobhuza’s party in 1973 came from an area that contained the capital city [Mbabane], much of the country’s developed industry, the civil servants, and almost half of Swaziland’s urban population.

‘While many observers did not feel that the loss of three parliamentary seats represented a serious threat to the King and his party, the King probably interpreted the vote as the initial stages of the breakdown of tribal authority.’

The CIA report stated, ‘As the Swazi people and the economy become more sophisticated, Sobhuza’s autocratic style is being viewed as an anachronism by growing numbers of educated Swaziland.’

A confidential cable (later declassified) from the US Embassy in Swaziland to the State Department in Washington dated 13 April 1973, the day after King Sobhuza’s proclamation, read in part, ‘King Sobhuza stated he had taken drastic action to prevent breakdown of law and order and to reverse process of disharmony, bitterness and division which existed in country. Prince Sifuba [head of the Swazi National Council], on behalf Swazi nation, had stated that nation wished King to know it had never been so divided as at present. King laid blame for present “very serious situation” in country directly to constitution which introduced “undesirable political activities” into country bringing bitterness and threats to peace, law and order.’

It added, ‘Extent of action surprised Western observers who perceive no serious threat to law and order. Non-Swazis and even some Swazis profess belief King yielded to pressures and over-reacted to insignificant opposition.’

The cable said the King repealed the Swaziland constitution, dismissed parliament and assumed personal control of the country as King-in-Council. 

The cable listed what it called some ‘fairly tame’ activities that had taken place in the previous months that traditionalists and monarchists said was disruptive. These included brief work stoppages at the Havelock and Ngwenya mines; some civil servants requested a meeting of all civil servants in December 1972 because they were dissatisfied with wage increases; modernization and proliferation of commerce and industry in Swaziland had led to attempts to organize unions; students had voiced complaints and grievances and there had been growing pressure in the rural areas for different rules for land tenure which, the cable said, implied a reduction in the real power of the local chief.

Political parties remain banned in Swaziland and the King choses all members of the government and the judiciary. He also chooses 10 members of the House of Assembly, allowing his subjects to select the other 59 members. No members of the Swazi Senate are elected by the people. 

In 2013, Swaziland’s Attorney-General Majahenkhaba Dlamini said there was no need to annul the Royal Decree. 

He was reacting to a report in the Times Sunday, an independent newspaper in Swaziland,  that traditionalists stopped the decree being repealed when Swaziland’s Constitution came into force in 2006. He believed the Constitution in effect annulled the Royal Decree.

According to the Times Sunday ‘influential traditionalists’ feared Swaziland ‘could become a republic if this law was repealed’.

The newspaper said preparations to abandon the Royal Decree in 2005 were far advanced and a gazette had been drawn up.

The newspaper quoted one of the traditionalists, Brigadier General Fonono Dube, who was a member of Liqoqo, an advisory council to the King, saying, ‘There was no way we could have revoked a law that establishes the country. We couldn’t have allowed the authorities of the country to annul the decree because that would have turned the country into a republic. We don’t need a president in Swaziland. We need the King.’

The anniversary of the Royal Decree is marked by pro-democracy advocates in Swaziland. It is usual for the State police and armed forces to intervene. The Suppression of Terrorism Act 2008 makes it illegal to campaign for democracy. 

See also

Swaziland state ‘terrorises’ its people
Swaziland ‘becoming military state’
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2013/04/swaziland-becoming-military-state.html

Monday, 12 November 2018

Swaziland King demonstrates how he is an absolute monarch by picks for government and parliament

King Mswati III, the absolute monarch of Swaziland / Eswatini, ignored the kingdom’s constitution across the board as he appointed his Prime Minister, government and members of the House of assembly and Senate.

His actions highlight the complete control he has in the kingdom.

Swaziland held a national election in September 2018 under the political system that the King calls ‘Monarchical Democracy’ and is widely known as tinkhundla. Political parties are banned from taking part in elections and people only elect 59 members of the House of Assembly, a further 10 are appointed by the King. None of the 30 members of the Swazi Senate are elected by the people; the House of Assembly elects 10 and the King appoints 20.

Following the election which is held every five years the King appoints a Prime Minister and Cabinet.

The King rules under a Royal Proclamation of 1973 that abolished political parties and allowed the then King, Sobhuza II to rule as an absolute monarch. A Constitution came into effect in 2006, but the King largely ignores its provisions.

The Constitution requires the King to ensure that at least half of the cabinet of ministers are people who were directly elected by the people into the House of Assembly. Only eight of the 20 members of the Cabinet he appointed were elected.

The Constitution also requires King Mswati to choose his Prime Minister from within the House of Assembly. His choice of Prime Minister Ambrose Dlamini was not in the House. He was not elected by the people nor was he one of the ten members of the House appointed by the King.

Lisa Peterson, the US Ambassador to Swaziland, drew attention to another breach of the Constitution in an article published by both of Swaziland’s daily newspapers.  

She wrote, ‘I am disappointed, disheartened and disturbed that parliamentary appointments made by the Palace disregard explicit provisions of the country’s Constitution. 

‘The terms are quite simple: among the members of the House of Assembly appointed by the King, at least half shall be women: among the 20 for the Senate, at least eight shall be women. Out of 10 appointees to the House, only three were women. In the Senate, only seven women were appointed. These shortfalls show that gender equity is not a priority for the country’s most senior officials, which means that it will not be a priority for many others in Eswatini’s male-dominated leadership.’

The appointments by the King are in clear breach of the Constitution and highlight how the document is generally meaningless. King Mswati rules Swaziland as sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch and this is allowed for in S65(4) of the Constitution which states, ‘Where the King is required by the Constitution to exercise any function after consultation with any person or authority, the King may or may not exercise that function following the consultation.’

Richard Rooney

See also

U.S. Ambassador calls for repeal of decree that makes Swaziland an absolute monarchy
Swaziland King chooses new PM with no political experience, but together they have close business ties
https://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2018/10/swaziland-king-chooses-new-pm-with-no.html

Monday, 5 November 2018

U.S. Ambassador calls for repeal of decree that makes Swaziland an absolute monarchy

Lisa Peterson, the United States Ambassador to Swaziland (Eswatini), has renewed her call for political parties to be allowed to operate in kingdom.

She also called for the 1973 Decree that turned Swaziland from a parliamentary democracy into an absolute monarchy to be repealed. It banned political parties and put all powers in the hands of the King.

Peterson said this in an article she wrote that appeared in both of Swaziland’s national daily newspapers.

Peterson was reacting to the recent decision by the King to make appointments to the House off Assembly and the Swazi Senate, following September’s national elections. People can only choose 59 members of the House, the King appoints another 10. No members of the Swazi Senate are elected by the people, the King appoints 20 and the House elects 10.

Peterson said that the King failed to follow the 2005 Swaziland Constitution when he made the appointments. She said he did not appoint the required number of women. 

She also wrote, ‘Former Minister of Justice Edgar Hillary went to Geneva in 2017 and told the United Nations Human Rights Commission that the 1973 Decree had been repealed by the Constitution. If this can be said to the outside world, why can it not be explicitly stated to the Swati nation? And if the Decree has truly been repealed, why do officials act as if it is still in place?

‘The Constitution’s language on ‘individual merit as a basis for election or appointment to public office’ does not actually exclude the possibility of political parties.’

She said if political parties were allowed to exist they would help women to organise.

She wrote, ‘[P]arties are critical to enabling individuals to join forces around common issues and pool their resources – intellectual, financial and organizational – to advance policies and candidates they believe will best serve their communities. In this moment of severe financial adversity, emaSwati need such collective community advocacy more than ever. It is time to start a dialogue on this issue and plot a way forward.’

This was not the first time the US Ambassador had called for political parties to be allowed in Swaziland.

In February 2018 she told a meeting of editors that polling suggested people in Swaziland did not support political parties. She said, ‘For me that speaks to people not seeing what a political party can do for them. You need to build understanding and policy of advocacy at the grass root level so that you can get a number of people thinking in a similar manner.’

She said political entities that supported parties in Swaziland needed to work on the ground to change people’s minds about the value of political parties. ‘Each party or grouping needs to go about it in the way that works best,’ she said.

She added, ‘That plays a part in getting every average Swazi to understand why a political parties might be useful.’

Again in March 2018 she told a meeting on multiparty democracy, good governance and human rights at the Happy Valley Hotel, Ezulwini, many people in Swaziland did not support political parties, ‘in part because they lack experience with what parties can accomplish and how advocacy can succeed.’

She added, ‘In addition to the various efforts the parties have underway, they need to be paying particular attention to this part of the equation. Because if a person living in a small village does not understand how a party can help him approach local leaders on an issue such as youth unemployment, the answer to that poll question is going to continue to go against the multiparty option.  

‘You also should not fall into the trap of thinking that simply explaining to people why parties are important, or holding a march to rally public opinion, will move the needle more in your direction.

‘People need to experience policy advocacy in order to appreciate the advantages of a coalition.  Otherwise, they will carry on doing things the way they always have, perhaps believing that no action can really make a difference.  

‘People have a tendency to want to stay with something they know, even if it’s not working well, because they fear that a change will bring something worse.  This is as true in the United States as it is here.  But if you show them how advocacy is done, if you highlight for them their civic potential, you will have made an incredible investment in the country’s future.  And through this investment, attitudes toward the multiparty question are sure to improve.’

She is not alone in advocating for political parties in Swaziland. In 2013 the EU which is a major donor of aid to Swaziland told King Mswati he must allow political parties to operate in his kingdom as it was important that international principles of democracy were upheld in Swaziland.

In October 2012, the United Kingdom also called for political parties to be un-banned in Swaziland.

See also

U.S. Ambassador supports parties
Swazis want democracy - survey
EU tells King: ‘free parties’
UK calls for parties to be un-banned
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2012/10/uk-calls-for-parties-to-be-un-banned.html

Wednesday, 30 May 2018

SWAZI LAW USED AGAINST HUMAN RIGHTS

Laws in Swaziland have been used by the State as weapons against human rights defenders, a major investigation of the kingdom by international lawyers revealed.

‘There is a growing perception that the law, in particular the law of sedition, defamation, public order and anti-terrorism is systematically used to target human rights defenders (HRDs) and legitimate pro-democracy campaigners,’ the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) reported.

It stated, ‘As far back as 1990, the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act 1938 (SSA) and the King’s 1973 Proclamation to the Nation were used against HRDs and legitimate pro-democracy campaigners. Leaders of the pro-democracy banned political opposition, the Peoples’ United Democratic Movement, were charged and tried for high treason for having convened a meeting to discuss the political problems in the country,’ it stated in a report called Achieving Justice for Gross Human Rights Violations in Swaziland - Key Challenges.

It added, ‘This approach has continued, with Amnesty International recently concluding that: “Legislation continued to be used to repress dissent”. In 1994, members of the Swaziland Youth Congress (SWAYOCO) and the Swaziland Communist Party were arrested and charged under the Sedition Act for being in possession of seditious placards. They were also charged under the King’s Proclamation for holding either a demonstration or a political meeting without the prior written consent of the Commissioner of Police. The High Court found them not guilty on the sedition charge, but convicted them on the contravention of Decree No. 13 of the King’s Proclamation.

‘In 2001, the leader of the People’s United Democratic (PUDEMO), was charged with two counts under the Sedition Act, accused of allegedly making statements that were seditious. At the close of the Crown’s case he was acquitted and discharged of the first count, and called to his defence on the second count. He was later acquitted on the second count as well. The judiciary proved to be able to exercise its judicial function independently and impartially without fear or favour. In 2005, a group of HRDs and legitimate pro-democracy campaigners were charged under the sedition law for allegedly committing acts of violence against the State. In the bail application they told the court that, while in custody, they had been subjected to torture and cruel and degrading treatment by State security agencies.

‘The court ordered that “the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Swaziland in liaison with the Minister responsible for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, urgently, in the interest of justice and in the national interest, establish a commission of enquiry into the allegations that are before court concerning torture and denying basic human rights enshrined in our Constitution, to investigate and to report publicly the outcome within a reasonable time”.

‘Despite the court’s order, no such commission was set up and no report was made. The HRDs were released on bail and to date [May 2018] the matter has not been called for trial. Neither the applicants nor the DPP have made any follow-up on the order for an inquiry, albeit that nothing prevents the applicants from instituting contempt of court proceedings for the Minister’s failure to give effect to the court order. 

‘In 2008, following a spate of bombings of some Government buildings and some tinkhundla centres, the Suppression of Terrorism Act 2008 (STA) was enacted. As soon as the Act entered into force, PUDEMO and three other organizations were listed as terrorist organizations under section 28 of the STA.

‘In the same year, its leader Mario Masuku was charged under the STA and, alternatively, under the SSA. In September 2009 he was acquitted and discharged by the High Court of Swaziland, because the State failed to prove the its case. 

‘Also in 2008, human rights lawyer Thulani Maseko was arrested and charged under the SSA. He was released on bail and subsequently filed an application to the High Court challenging the constitutional validity of the SSA having regard to the Bill of Rights’ guarantee of the right to freedom of expression and opinion.

‘This case was consolidated with others that challenged the same law, together with the Suppression of Terrorism Act.  In 2009, another member of the listed PUDEMO, Mphandlana Shongwe, was charged under the STA for shouting a slogan “Viva PUDEMO, viva SWAYOCO” at a civil society meeting. At his first appearance before the High Court, he was released on bail. To date, his case has not been called for trial.  

‘In May 2014, Mario Masuku (leader of the PUDEMO) and Maxwell Dlamini (student leader and member of the PUDEMO youth league, the Swaziland Youth Congress, SWAYOCO) were charged under the SSA and STA for having addressed workers on Workers’ Day in Manzini, and shouting slogans in support of PUDEMO, an organisation listed as a terrorist organisation under the STA. Initially denied bail, they were kept in pre-trial detention from May 2014 until July 2016. They were eventually granted conditional bail and released by the Supreme Court, one of those conditions being that they should “refrain from addressing public political gatherings  pending finalisation of the criminal trial”. Although the Order was made by consent, its effect was that, for as long as they were awaiting trial, these pro-democracy campaigners were deprived of their rights to freedom of  speech, assembly and association and to take part in the discourse of public affairs. 

‘Also in 2014, a group of seven members of the PUDEMO were arrested and charged under the STA and the SSA. They, as well as Maxwell Dlamini and Mario Masuku, filed separate applications at the High Court to challenge the constitutional validity of the SSA and the STA. All the matters challenging the constitutional validity of the two pieces of legislation were consolidated and heard by a full bench of the High Court, which, in September 2016, delivered its judgment. The relevant provisions of the SSA and STA were held to be unconstitutional and were set aside. 

‘Although the Government noted an intended appeal against the judgment, it failed to file the appeal as required by the Rules of the Supreme Court. On 21 November 2017, the Supreme Court struck off the matter and ordered that it should not be reinstated unless with the leave of the Court. On 5 December 2017 the Government filed an application for reinstatement. The application for leave was heard on 13 February 2018. The Supreme Court’s reserved judgment allowed the appeal to be reinstated, finding that: “…the importance of the matters arising from the appeal and form the view that it would leave a bitter after taste in the Court’s palate for such serious matters to be decided by default as it were, due to the confusion that seems to have reigned at the office of the Attorney-General”. 

‘The persecution through the law and prosecution of HRDs and legitimate prodemocracy campaigners continue unabated, even in the face of recommendations of the UN’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process. Although, in both the 2011 and 2016 UPR of Swaziland, the Government accepted recommendations to fully align the SSA and STA with the Constitution of Swaziland and the State’s obligations not to impede the right to freedom of expression, association and assembly, it has failed to do so.’

The ICJ report added, ‘In 2017, the Government of Swaziland amended the STA and repealed the Public Order Act (POA). The amendments to the STA are very cosmetic, while the new POA is comprehensive. Under section 28(1) of the POA, the Minister responsible for national security and the Police Service (the Prime Minister) has published the Code of Good Practice. Although the requirement of a permit for holding public gatherings and processions has been dispensed with in favour of a notice procedure, the local authority and/or the Commissioner of Police have the power to prohibit an intended gathering.161 Given the wide discretionary powers of the National Commissioner of Police to prohibit events,162 there is concern that such prohibition is may be applied in an arbitrary, unnecessary and/or disproportionate manner, contrary to international human rights standards on the regulation and policing of gatherings.’

See also

SWAZILAND FAILS HUMAN RIGHTS TEST
SWAZILAND QUIZZED ON TERROR LAW
SWAZI HUMAN RIGHTS RECORD KILLS AGOA
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2014/05/swazi-human-rights-record-kills-agoa.html