Search This Blog

Showing posts with label april 12 2012. Show all posts
Showing posts with label april 12 2012. Show all posts

Thursday, 24 May 2012

SWAZILAND’S BRUTAL REGIME: AMNESTY


Stiffkitten Blog

24 May 2012


Amnesty International annual report criticises “brutal” Swazi regime

 “Arbitrary and secret detentions, political prosecutions and excessive force were used to crush political protests,” Amnesty International writes about Swaziland in their 2012 annual report on the state of human rights throughout the world that was released today [24 May].
Swaziland is an absolute monarchy where all political parties are banned, where the monarch King Mswati III rules by decree and where two thirds of the population survive on under a dollar a day whilst the royal family spend lavishly on luxury items and prestige projects.

The Amnesty report focuses at length on mass demonstrations in April 2011 that were brutally suppressed by police and security forces. “In April, the government banned protest marches planned for 12 to 14 April by trade unions and other organizations. Arbitrary and secret detentions, unlawful house arrests and other state of emergency-style measures were used to crush peaceful anti-government protests over several days.”

The treatment of student leader, Maxwell Dlamini, who was detained and tortured during the mass demonstrations (although the torture of Maxwell at the hands of security police is for some reason not mentioned in the report), is held up as an example of the regime’s suppression of the democratic movement in April 2011, as is that of (banned political party) Ngwane National Liberatory Congress activist Ntombi Nkosi.

“Maxwell Dlamini, President of the Swaziland National Union of Students, was detained between 10 and 12 April and held incommunicado without access to a lawyer or contact with his family. The day after his release he was rearrested, along with Musa Ngubeni, a political activist and former student activist leader. They were denied legal access while in police custody and during their hearing at the magistrate’s court.”

“On 12 April, 66-year-old Ntombi Nkosi, an activist with the Ngwane National Liberatory Congress (NNLC), was on her way home, having received medical treatment after tear gas was thrown at her, when she was confronted by three armed police officers. They questioned her about wording relating to the NNLC on her T-shirt and head scarf and then allegedly grabbed her, pulled off her T-shirt and headscarf and assaulted her. They throttled her, banged her head against a wall, sexually molested her, bent her arms behind her back, kicked her and then threw her against a police truck. A passing taxi driver helped her to get away.”

The report also clearly points to the fact that the regime has closed of all avenues of dialogue with the democratic movement. “The government ignored renewed efforts by civil society organizations to open a dialogue on steps towards multi-party democracy. At the UN Universal Periodic Review hearing on Swaziland in October, the government rejected recommendations to allow political parties to participate in elections.”

Read more:

Friday, 4 May 2012

INDEFINITE BAIL FOR STUDENT ACTIVISTS?


Stiffkitten blog
May 3, 2012


Maxwell and Musa on indefinite bail?

 “We may be acquitted or the government will do as it always does, keep us on indefinite bail,” says president of the Swaziland National Union of Students, Maxwell Dlamini. “We are just hoping that the trial will be over very soon. We are to know the direction it will take after the 16th of May 2012, where the next [court] sitting will be. Until now they haven’t led any evidence that links us to the charges.”

He and his fellow accused, law graduate and former student leader Musa Ngubeni, are on trial for allegedly being in possession of explosives in connection with last April’s protests against Swaziland’s absolute monarchy on the 38th anniversary of the country’s state of emergency and banning of all political parties.

Both insist that they are innocent and were tortured by police and told they would be killed for helping to organise the peaceful protest action. ““I was tied to a bench with my face looking upwards and they suffocated me with the black plastic bag. They did that over and over again till I collapsed. They told me that they will kill me for causing trouble in the country,” Maxwell told Africa Contact in March.

Delaying trials, keeping suspects on indefinite bail and generally harassing them are methods commonly employed by the regime in Swaziland against political activists. Being on indefinite bail severely restricts the freedom of movement of activists such as Maxwell and Musa. They have to report to the Mbabane Regional Police Station four times a week, even though they live in Manzini, and have had their passports taken, which means that they cannot leave the country without asking permission from the regime.

Sunday, 29 April 2012

STUDENTS ATTACK SSN ‘BILE’


Stiffkitten blog

28 April 2012


Swazi students denounce solidarity network foul-mouth

 “The Swaziland National Union of Students is amazed and angry at the bile spewed by one self-imposed exile called Lucky Lukhele. … The article was a constructive criticism of the broad, mass democratic movement in Swaziland. The Swaziland National Union of Students (SNUS) will write a letter to the PUDEMO NEC to [ask them to] review their relationship with the Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN). … Lucky Lukhele and the chairperson of the Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN), Solly, have actually destabilized the mass democratic movement,” the Swazi student organisation SNUS said in a statement issued by Secretary General Samkeliso Ginindza today [April 28 2012].

The reason for the strongly worded statement from SNUS was the nature of the wording made by the SSN’s Lucky Lukhele and the Swazi April 12 Uprising Facebook campaign in replies to an article I wrote.

The article was about the predictions of these self-professed revolutionaries – most of whom are apparently based in South Africa – and the rhetoric of the democratic movement.
Especially as the predictions, that promise “a hundred thousand people on the streets” and a subsequent “revolution” turn out to be pretty far from the truth. King Mswati unfortunately still wields the executive power in Swaziland, regardless of the more levelheaded and realistic attempts to bring democracy to Swaziland by many brave and focused members of the democratic movement. I therefore thought a little constructive criticism was in order.

Funnily enough, freelance journalist Louise Redvers made pretty much the same point in the Mail & Guardian on April 20, apparently without being attacked. “Some people are starting to question whether Swaziland’s democracy movement has not become too much of a willing victim, happier to cry foul than to take part,” she wrote.

I, on the other hand, was instantly attacked by the Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN) and the anonymously led Swazi April 12 Uprising Facebook campaign. Lucky Lukhele of the SSN referred to my article as being “ludicrously unfounded” and “bullshit,” and my organisation, Africa Contact, who has worked in partnership with the democratic movement in Swaziland for over ten years, was called a “pitiful excuse for a solidarity partner.”

The Swazi April 12 Uprising also called the article “bullshit,” and referred to it as being “outrageously far from the truth”, “an outrageous distortion,” and myself as being a “con-thing.” They then went on to rhetorically ask, “where is the documentation of the fact that Swazis were beaten, abducted and in some cases raped by the state’s armed forces [on April 12 2011 and] how much has this con-man done to highlight the fact that our most vocal elements, the youth, had their leaders arrested on that date under false ‘explosive charges’?”

Unfortunately, they hadn’t done their homework. In fact I wrote five articles that were published on my blog, Africa Contact’s website, Newstime Africa and in other news media that documented the brutality of the regime on April 12 2011, as well as several follow-up articles (and I have written many articles – over 100, in fact, containing over 75.000 words – about Swaziland and its democratic movement).

In the articles about April 12 2011, I wrote, amongst other things, that “Swaziland’s police and security forces have detained, and probably manhandled, several members of the Swazi democratic movement and several members of the international press even before today’s announced uprising in Swaziland, inspired by similar events in North Africa, has begun,” “The police in Swaziland continue to arrest, detain and generally try and scare people from joining the announced mass demonstrations in Swaziland today,” “Swazi police are trying to crush the Egypt and Tunisia-like uprising in Swaziland by teargassing and firing rubber bullets at demonstrators,” and “Swazi security forces are trying to shut down the uprising with water cannons, tear gas and random beatings and arrests.”

I also helped instigate a campaign for the release of Maxwell Dlamini and Musa Ngubeni, the two student activists who were charged with possession of explosives. And I wrote a chapter for a book called “African Awakening: the emerging revolutions” about the April 12 2011 uprising that was published by Pambazuka Press. Here, ironically, I quoted Sikelela Dlamini, employed by the Swaziland United Democratic Front at the time (and falsely accused by other agitators of having been fired from the organisation for having pinched money from their coffers), who remonstrates with the Swazi April 12 Facebook campaign by making exactly the point I was making in my article.

“While Swaziland remains predominantly rural with limited Internet connectivity, the hype around an uprising managed to filter throughout the country,” said Sikelela Dlamini. “It generated unrealistic excitement and anticipation on the part of a general citizenry, who became spectators while the bulk of those who generated the Facebook hype also resided outside the country and could not coordinate activities on the ground to actuate their cyber aspirations.”

And perhaps Sikelela Dlamini has hit the hammer on the nail here. Perhaps the problem is that the people within the SSN and the Swazi April 12 Uprising want to remote-control, so to speak, the masses in Swaziland to dance to their revolutionary tune from their offices in South Africa – a tune that calls for a violent uprising in Swaziland.

Just listen to the statement from the Swazi April 12 Uprising campaign in reply to my article: “The April 12 Uprising is first and foremost the aspiration of the most radical elements within the country’s democratic movement … these elements will always be two steps ahead of the masses … and being ahead of the masses they take the role of masterminds and strategists who propose a way forward and demand that the masses revolt.” And listen to Lucky Lukhele from the SSN in his response to my article today: “The state understands no other language but the force of violence.”

The problem for the SSN and the Swazi April 12 Uprising is that neither the masses nor the democratic movement at large seems to be buying it, as the press statement from SNUS and lack of support for their Marxist revolution in Swaziland clearly shows. Not the self-righteous and unrealistic revolutionary rhetoric that in effect insists on the exclusion of the masses from the planning of what ought to be a mass-based struggle, nor the claims that they are not ‘crying wolf’ when they continue to claim that the revolution will come ‘today.’


Even people on the SSN online forum don’t buy it. “As a matter of fact, people do constantly ‘cry wolf’ in Swaziland,” wrote former Cosatu employee Dominic Tweedie on the forum, in a reply to the tirade from Lucky Lukhele.

Saturday, 28 April 2012

STIFFKITTEN: FURIOUS REACTION


Prodemocracy campaigners in Swaziland have reacted with fury at an article that drew attention to shortcomings in their activities.

The article published originally on the stiffkitten blog, and subsequently reproduced on various Internet sites, drew attention to, ‘Messages [from democracy activists] proclaiming the final days of king Mswati’s absolute monarchy in Swaziland, or the revolutionary uprising of thousands of Swazis, have been conveyed many times by individuals and organisations within Swaziland’s democratic movement.’

It went on, ‘What such messages all have in common is that they turn out to be disappointingly far from the truth, that they therefore create false expectations, both inside and outside Swaziland, and that the discrepancy between the predictions and the outcome of the actual protest action reflects poorly on the democratic movement at large – regardless of the fact that much of the democratic movement has for decades worked vigorously and bravely to try and convince the majority of Swazis to stand up and demand democracy and economic justice.’

Activists denounced the writer, Peter Kenworthy, for pointing out what many of us have seen as obvious for years: that activists sometimes exaggerate how close the kingdom, ruled by King Mswati III, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, is to achieving political change.

Kenworthy gave the following as an example of the rhetoric: “The people of Swaziland are convinced that no muti or ritual will ever stop the tide of the revolution. The year 2012 will be the year that king Mswati’s dictatorship finally ends and a new democratic dispensation takes its place.” (Swaziland Solidarity Network statement, December 2011).

The SSN and others have reacted strongly to Kenworthy’s article. Unfortunately, the critics resort to abuse and swear words in their response. I won’t put them up on the blog, but if you want to read them, click on the links below.

WARNING: Not suitable for children or maiden aunts.



See also

DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT ‘CRIED WOLF’

Friday, 27 April 2012

DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT ‘CRIED WOLF’


Stiffkitten blog

26 April 2012 


The democratic movement that cried wolf

Messages proclaiming the final days of king Mswati’s absolute monarchy in Swaziland, or the revolutionary uprising of thousands of Swazis, have been conveyed many times by individuals and organisations within Swaziland’s democratic movement.

Here are a few examples from the past year:

“The people of Swaziland are convinced that no muti or ritual will ever stop the tide of the revolution. The year 2012 will be the year that king Mswati’s dictatorship finally ends and a new democratic dispensation takes its place.” (Swaziland Solidarity Network statement, December 2011).

“They should prepare to govern. Tinkundla, or whatever this royal mess is called, is well and truly over. Come April 12 we will be sweeping its remains off our country.”  (Swazi April 12 Uprising statement, April 2011).

“PUDEMO proclaims the final days of the Tinkundla supremacists.” (PUDEMO statement, April 2012)

What such messages all have in common is that they turn out to be disappointingly far from the truth, that they therefore create false expectations, both inside and outside Swaziland, and that the discrepancy between the predictions and the outcome of the actual protest action reflects poorly on the democratic movement at large – regardless of the fact that much of the democratic movement has for decades worked vigorously and bravely to try and convince the majority of Swazis to stand up and demand democracy and economic justice.

According to Dumezweni Dlamini from the Swazi NGO, Foundation for Socio-Economic Justice, the more boisterous part of the democratic movement needs to talk less and act more. “Can we spare the talk and let actions speak more. We are making a lot of noise without action so that it’s so noisy that we cannot even hear what we are saying ourselves.”

And all this in turn leads to apathy amongst Swazi’s otherwise willing to demand democratisation and to foreign newspapers not bothering to run stories about the ‘Swazi Uprising.’

“The April 12 Uprising Facebook group led people outside Swaziland to believe that there was a real demand, not only for change, but for revolutionary change in the kingdom,” says Richard Rooney, a journalist and former University of Swaziland associate professor, as well as currently being one of the best sources of continuous and uncensored news about Swaziland through his Swazi Media Commentary.

“I had many contacts from the international media at this time [April 2011] who genuinely believed there was to be a revolution in Swaziland. Many came to Swaziland for the event and were bitterly disappointed that nothing happened. There was no ‘uprising’, nor anything close to it. This year the media by and large stayed away on April 12, I believe because (correctly as it turned out) they didn’t expect much to happen. It will be very difficult to convince them in the future that people Swaziland are serious about protesting for change.”

Monday, 16 April 2012

GO TO WORK, BOYCOTT KING’S PARTY


Democracy campaigners in Swaziland have come up with a novel protest against King Mswati III – ignore the public holiday called to mark his birthday and go to work instead.


The April 12 Swazi Uprising Movement is one of the many groups and individuals in Swaziland angered that King Mswati will be spending millions of emalangeni of public money on his birthday party. They want the Swazi people to boycott any celebration of his 44th birthday that falls on Thursday (19 April 2012).


Earlier this month the King, who is sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch and the 15th richest monarch in the world, called on his subjects – seven in ten of them earn less than US$2 a day – to supply him with cattle to slaughter for a feast he intends having in Nhlangano, which is in one of the poorest regions of his kingdom.


The April 12 Swazi Uprising Movement said in a statement, ‘With Swazis being so ruthlessly taxed, the one man who does not pay taxes in the country, and yet happens to be the richest, is adamant that he should take the little the country has and use it on a birthday party for himself, his wives and his children. Whatever he will waste means less for us, the poor.’


It added, ‘We plead with the nation to show their disgust at this inhumane greed by simply going about their normal business on the 19th of April because it is not a day of celebration. It should be a day of national mourning. This is a simple plea that does not require the court’s permission. We will have genuine holidays when we will celebrate and commemorate, but next Thursday is a normal work day.’


See also 


KING DEMANDS COWS FROM THE POOR