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Showing posts with label IPS. Show all posts
Showing posts with label IPS. Show all posts

Wednesday, 30 November 2016

SWAZILAND’S ‘BLACK WEDNESDAY’

Students at the University of Swaziland did not this year mark the anniversary of the campus invasion by armed soldiers known as ‘Black Wednesday.’

According to the Swazi Observer, a commemoration was called off at the last minute because present-day students were protesting that colleagues had been barred from taking examinations because school fees had not been paid.

It would be a pity if these events stopped people remembering the events of 14 November 1990.

It happened during what the Inter Press Service (IPS) news agency called a ‘rebellion’ that ‘became a seminal event that signalled a new generation's political consciousness’. It was, IPS said, ‘a dawning political awareness born from a confluence of historical forces then sweeping the world and the Southern African region’.

The IPS report said ‘armed soldiers pushed police aside and forced students out of the library where they had barricaded themselves’.

The day began as a ‘disorganised demonstration’ against campus issues such as poor food ‘but soon turned into demands for democratic reforms in Swaziland's government’.

The IPS report quoted Manzini lawyer Lindiwe Khumalo-Matse, a university student at the time, saying, ‘The reason why soldiers were called in was because government saw our protest as a political uprising.’

Khumalo-Matse is further quoted by IPS, ‘This was because of the involvement of Sabelo Dlamini, who was a member of the People's United Democratic movement (PUDEMO). Sabelo was prominent in the Students Representative Council,’ he said.

In 1990, one of the Swazi Government’s most draconian measures, a 60-Day Detention Law, was still in force, permitting authorities to lock up anyone they saw as a threat to public order. All political protestors were designated as such threats.

The violence that ensued after soldiers swept through campus has been a sensitive subject with government ever since. A commission of enquiry had its report secreted away for years, with a bowdlerized version finally released to the public in 1997.

Two students who were seriously injured sued government for damages, and their cases were settled out of court.


IPS reported that not only was the traditional leadership’s fear of democracy revealed on ‘Black Wednesday’, but also a proletariat attitude of resentment, displayed by the soldiers, was shown against the educated student ‘elite’. The military's code name for the university invasion was ‘Operation Tinfundiswa (educated ones).’

‘It was a time of wild rumours,’ recalled Khumalo-Matse. ‘We heard that government feared we would burn down the library, which belied common sense because we were inside and would have incinerated ourselves.’

The army officials in charge gave students a five-minute warning, and then unleashed what one onlooker later told an investigating committee was a ‘military riot against civilians’.

Students were beaten as they emerged from the library to escape teargas canisters hurled through windows, and had to run a gauntlet of soldiers. Other soldiers chased students until they cornered them along fences. As they beat students with batons, the soldiers informed them they were being ‘punished’.

People in Swaziland were shocked by the brutality. Particularly offensive was one newspaper photo depicting a young woman carried out of the library between soldiers ‘like a slaughtered pig’, according to a letter writer to the Times of Swaziland.

Following the events, Michael Prosser, a professor from the United States who was working at the University of Swaziland at the time, posted a personal eye-witness account online. This is what he wrote.

BLOODY WEDNESDAY IN SWAZILAND

November 14, 1990, ‘Bloody Wednesday’ in Swaziland still lingers as a most important moment in my life. It was the only day that I thought I surely might die. I was a Fulbright Professor at the University of Swaziland in south east Africa that year.

University students began boycotting classes on November 12 in protest of a lack of faculty lecturers, poor food conditions, and the suspension of a popular young sociology lecturer for promoting democracy in Swaziland.

Early on November 12, all 1 600 university students held a protest meeting and boycotted all classes. At noon, they dumped their plastic wrapped lunches at the administration office door. The Swazi radio, and tv stations, Swaziland’s newspapers gave extensive coverage to the dumping of the lunches. Many Swazis were subsistence farmers who often went to bed hungry; thus this student decision reflected very badly on them. All students received a University notice demanding the end of their class boycott on November 13. They decided to continue it. The University Council demanded their return to classes on November 14, or be considered in defiance of the twenty-three-year-old King Mswati III.

Another student meeting on November 14 continued the boycott. About 500 students peacefully barricaded themselves in the two-storey university library. Several hundred students left campus or stayed in their student hostel area. At about 5pm, armed Swazi soldiers entered the high fenced campus.

A university official drove through the campus announcing the immediate campus closure. Five young women rushed to me and asked for emergency protection in my home. I took them there immediately.

A fifteen-hour rain and thunderstorm had just begun. The young women were quite terrified.

The young soldiers broke into the library and the student hostels, dragging students out, beating both men and women with their night sticks on their arms and legs, and forcing them to run a gauntlet toward the front gate while the soldiers gave them sharp blows.

The soldiers taunted the students: ‘We’ll beat the English out of you.’ They were especially vicious toward the women. The soldiers had been stationed that day at the high school next door to the campus and drank lots of beer before they attacked the campus, making them even more violent than otherwise so likely.

A neighbor warned us that at 10pm, soldiers would search our houses and arrest any students found there or on campus. Two Canadian families and I, in a caravan of three autos, took 11 frightened Swazi students in the three cars to the front gate to take them to safety.

With a gun pointed the first driver’s cheek, he got permission from the guard to leave the campus with the students. In the swirling rain, lightening, and thunderstorm, we took the students to safe shelters. When we returned to campus late in the evening, two soldiers were posted all night in the back and in the front of our houses.

With some students, I drove to the nearby hospital where more than 120 students had received emergency treatment. We visited more than a dozen badly injured students. We learned that soldiers possibly had injured as many as 300-400 and had killed perhaps as many as two-four students.

The Swazi radio and tv stations gave no information about what had happened after the students had dumped their food. However, the two Swazi newspapers did give the event considerable coverage over several weeks. They also printed many letters to the editor decrying the incident and called for a national judicial enquiry. Reuters News Agency and the South African press gave it some coverage.

Amnesty International cited it in their 1991 Annual Review. The University remained closed for two months, reopening on January 14. A national judicial enquiry, more heavily critical of the student boycott than the hostile military response, began on March 14, 1991 and ended on May 14. The enquiry panel never released any details to the public.

The print media called the incident ‘Black Wednesday’ but my students and I attempted to have the newspapers rename it Bloody Wednesday since so much innocent student blood had been shed.

I always recall that day as my worst and best day in Swaziland when much evil occurred but many good people at the campus, the hospital, and nearby clinics generously helped the students. Do these former African students, now in their thirties, still remember that day? I assume so. I certainly always do.

Sunday, 14 October 2012

KING ‘WON’T ACT ON NO-CONFIDENCE VOTE’

King Mswati III of Swaziland is refusing to recognise the vote of no-confidence in his government, an international news agency has revealed for the first time.

He is said to be ‘extremely upset’ by the vote and is refusing to meet with the Speaker of the House of Assembly on the issue.

The crisis began on 3 October 2012 when the House of Assembly passed a vote of no-confidence in the Swazi government by a majority greater than three-fifths. According to the constitution when this happens the king must sack the cabinet.

But, King Mswati III, generally recognised as sub-Saharan Africa’s last remaining absolute monarch, has not done so. And, his government has refused to resign.

The Inter Press Service (IPS) news and feature agency reported a ‘highly placed source’ saying the king ‘is not prepared to act on the vote because he was extremely upset by the House of Assembly’s resolution’. 

IPS reported King Mswati was refusing to meet with Prince Guduza the Speaker of the House of Assembly about the vote. In Swaziland, the protocol is that the king has to be officially told by the Speaker about decisions of the House before he can act.

The revelation is the first time since the crisis began that information about King Mswati’s role has become public. In Swaziland the state-censored media and the self-censoring private media reported the cause of the delay in the king’s action was because he was discussing what to do with advisers.

Some voices in the media blamed Barnabas Dlamini the Prime Minister for the crisis, saying that he should have resigned once the no-confidence vote was passed. However, the constitution puts the onus clearly on the king to sack the government. It is a constitutional requirement for him to do so; there is no allowance for him to do anything else.

The king personally appointed Dlamini as Prime Minister in 2008 in contravention of the constitution and together the king and PM picked the government. Many ministers, including the PM himself, were not elected to parliament, but appointed by King Mswati.

IPS reported political analysts saying the crisis ‘has exposed the undemocratic nature of the Swazi system of government and that it has put Mswati in a precarious position where he has to choose between the will of the people and those he has placed in power’.

Swaziland government spokesperson Percy Simelane told IPS that the cabinet was still waiting for the king’s decision.

See also

KING PROVES CONSTITUTION IS WORTHLESS

Thursday, 26 April 2012

KING ‘TO MAKE US$100m FROM JET FIRM’


King Mswati III of Swaziland could make US$100 million from his share in the company that this week gave him a jet plane as a gift.

Salgaocar, an Indian-based global conglomerate, was granted a licence to mine iron ore at Ngwenya in Swaziland, within a protected area inside the Malolotja Game Reserve, despite fears that its work would pollute the water supply of many rural people and also the population of Mbabane, the kingdom’s capital.

But, the licence was granted and a company called Salgaocar Swaziland was formed with 50 percent owned by Swaziland, according to MetalBulletin, an industry journal. 

In Swaziland, King Mswati III is an absolute monarch and he keeps all mineral royalties in trust for the nation. In practice, he chooses how the money is used and in the past this has meant he spent it on himself and his 13 wives.

Salgaocar Mozambique Chief Executive Officer Ron Herman said last year that he expected 200 million tonnes of ore to be extracted. Salgaocar Swaziland Chief Executive Officer Sivarama Prasad Petla said Swaziland would get a royalty of 50 US cent per tonne.  

On this basis the King stands to get US$100 million.

He could get even more, as figures from the Swaziland Investment Promotions Authority (SIPA) state that 700 million tonnes of iron ore are below the surface of the Pigg’s Peak belt in the Hhohho region. 
Herman said the iron ore extracted at Ngwenya Mine contained 60 percent sulphur, which was amongst the best in the world.

Work started at Ngwenya earlier this year amid fears from locals that effluent from the mining factory would contaminate the water quality of the nearby Hawane Dam.

The IPS news agency reported the Swaziland Water Services Corporation (SWSC) draws water from Hawane Dam to supply Mbabane and the tourism hub of Ezulwini.

Today (26 April 2012), news leaked that Salgaocar had given King Mswati a McDonnell Douglas DC-9 twin-engine jet as a gift. Barnabas Dlamini, the Swazi Prime Minister, said the donor wanted to remain anonymous. He claimed to the media that the jet had been donated by ‘development partners’ of Swaziland. 

See also

PRIVATE FIRM GAVE KING HIS JET

Monday, 1 November 2010

SHORTFALL IN SWAZILAND'S FOOD AID

MANZINI, Swaziland, Oct 30 (IPS) - November will see the World Food Programme launch its Food by Prescription programme in Swaziland, but tens of thousands in urgent need of food aid are set to go without as a donor shortfall restricts assistance, the IPS news agency reports.

Fikru Gebeyehu, food aid resource manager for relief and development NGO World Vision in Swaziland, told IPS that the organisation has not been distributing food rations for the past few months. World Vision had been distributing aid on behalf of the U.N.'s emergency food relief agency, the World Food Programme (WFP), which Gebeyehu said had suspended its programme of food aid.

To read the full report, click here.


Tuesday, 18 May 2010

ACTIVIST FUNERAL – IPS REPORT

Activist's Funeral Postponed As Police 'Suppress Terrorism'


IPS


SOURCE



NCABANENI, Swaziland, May 17 (IPS) - The Swazi government is determined that neither in life nor death will Sipho Jele's political colours be flown publicly.

The 34-year-old died in custody sometime after his arrest on May 1; and his body was returned to the morgue on May 16 after 300 police officers invaded his funeral at the family’s homestead at Ncabaneni at about 5:30 a.m., seizing banners of the proscribed Peoples United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), to which Jele belonged.


"There is only one flag in Swaziland," an unidentified police officer was overheard saying. Police also destroyed photos of Jele displayed in the tent where the night vigil and funeral service were held.

PUDEMO and its youth league, the Swaziland Youth Congress (SWAYOCO), were banned in 2008 under the terms of the controversial Suppression of Terrorism Act. The government accuses the group of being behind a spate of bombings going back as far as 2005.

Charges never tested in court

Jele himself was out on bail, one of 16 PUDEMO members arrested in 2006 and accused of involvement in a series of bombings of government offices, police accommodation, and a house belonging to the press secretary to the government at the time, Percy Simelane.

Jele and his fellow detainees say they were tortured by police. Then-Prime Minister Themba Dlamini set up a commission of enquiry to establish the facts, but the commission’s report was never made public.

Jele had been out on bail since his release four years ago with the state showing little inclination to bring the accused to trial swiftly.

Though Swaziland's 2006 constitution allows for freedom of expression and association, Jele was arrested on May Day for wearing a t-shirt bearing PUDEMO's name during workers day celebrations in Swaziland’s commercial hub of Manzini

He was never to answer charges in this case either. Police claim a fellow inmate found his body hanging in the prison toilet at Sidvwashini Correctional Services.

Suicide claim challenged

His family and civil society organisations say he was killed by police during interrogation.

"When I heard about Sipho’s arrest on Saturday (May 1), I went to the police station and I was told to come back the next day," recalled Diana Jele, Sipho's aunt. This went on until on May 4 she was told he had committed suicide.

"I suspect he was killed on the very same Saturday he was arrested," she said. "It’s just that police were buying time trying to figure out what they would say was the cause of death."

The family is pinning its hopes of discovering the truth on the findings of an independent pathologist from South Africa who did a post-mortem on Jele’s body on May 14.

An inquest into Jele's death has been set up, and will begin its work on May 18. Progressive movements have already rejected it on the basis that it has been set up by government and will be chaired by a magistrate who is a former cop.

Independent inquiry

Labour organisations, including the Swaziland National Association of Teachers (SNAT), Swaziland Federation of Labour (SFL) and SFTU have challenged the police version of events in a petition they sent on May 14 to the Prime Minister, Dr Barnabas Sibusiso Dlamini.

"We call for an inquest chaired by a credible senior judge - preferably with assistance from the International Labour Organisation," said Dlamini.

The harassment faced by his family and friends as they seek to bury him undermines confidence that the government will permit a full and complete inquiry into the activist's death.

Tension was high at a memorial service held on May 15m as security forces outnumbered mourners. Three political activists, Wandile Dludlu, Patrick Mamba and Pius Vilakati were tipped off that police planned to arrest them, and had to hide in the hearse ferrying Jele’s body to avoid capture.

And police determination to suppress any political overtones to his funeral went beyond removing PUDEMO's flag from his coffin when they invaded his wake.

"Police demanded that workers (labour organisations) should not participate at this funeral," said SFTU’s Dlamini. "They said only Sipho’s relatives should take part."

Dlamini rejected these conditions, saying that Sipho Jele was a worker who died after his arrest on Workers' Day.

Local and international human rights organisations have condemned Jele’s detention and his subsequent death.

Freedoms under threat?

Father Pius Magagula, the project manager for the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace noted that the problem has its roots in 2008 when King Mswati III issued an inflammatory statement calling for the "throttling" of those opposed to his rule.

"It’s very common for a regime to be more militant when it realises that its rule is nearing an end," said Magagula, who accompanied labour organisations to the delivery of the petition at the cabinet offices.

Jele's death may serve to highlight the gap between the Swazi government's actions and its commitment to the principles of the Southern African Development Community which include freedom of association and equal opportunity for all political parties.

At the time of writing, the labour movement was preparing to go to court to restrain security forces from attending Jele’s funeral on a new date, yet to be announced.

In death as in life, Sipho Jele seems destined to test Swaziland's adherence to Article 5 of the SADC treaty, which calls for "the promotion of common political values, systems and other shared values which are transmitted through institutions which are democratic, legitimate and effective."

Wednesday, 24 March 2010

SIKHUPHE: WHAT IS IT GOOD FOR?

The Weekend Observer, a newspaper in effect owned by King Mswati III, has been ‘talking up’ Sikhuphe International Airport by pointing out the ‘business opportunities it will bring.


Unfortunately, it couldn’t come up with much more than a few cleaning and maintenance jobs – not much for the 1 billion US dollars the airport is expected to have cost if it ever gets completed.


The Weekend Observer article, written by Derrick Dlamini, goes on to claim that the airport will become a vital place for airlines to park their planes (even if they don’t use the airport to land at).


Again, hardly value for money.


Dlamini lets the cat out of the bag about when the airport, a vanity project of King Mswati, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, will be operational.


The king promised it would be operational this month (March 2010). Others claimed it would be receiving planes in time for the FIFA World Cup in neighbouring South Africa which starts in June 2010.


Dlamini reckons ‘within a couple of months, planes will technically be able to land and take off’.


Technically? He goes on, ‘Of course this doesn’t mean that the whole facility will be or need to be, completed. An educated guesstimate suggests that by the end of the year, to early next year, core construction will be done and the place will be fully functional.’


Thanks Dlamini, but this isn’t what the king has been telling international business people.


There is a lot of ‘whistling in the dark’ here. There is no evidence that the airport is needed and to date no airline has said it will use it when it eventually opens.


I am reminded of a report from the IPS news agency in 2004, when the plan for Sikhuphe was announced.


IPS pointed out that there were plenty of airports nearby already.


‘Johannesburg International airport in South Africa’s main commercial centre, about 45 minutes by air from Swaziland, has just completed renovations on some of its terminal buildings.


‘The port city of Durban in South Africa, some 20 minutes east of Swaziland, has also revamped its airport facility – while renovations are proceeding at the airport in Mozambique’s capital, Maputo. This facility is ten minutes by air from Sikhupe.


‘Possibly a greater threat is the new Kruger Mpumalanga International Airport (KMI), which boasts of the world’s largest thatched roof – and which offers quick tourist access to South Africa’s renowned Kruger game reserve in the east of the country.’

IPS also reported that, ‘The two commercial air carriers that currently service Swaziland say they have no intention of relocating to the small eastern community of Sikhupe, where the airport is being built. Both want to continue operating out of an existing airport at Matsapha, located near Manzini – the kingdom’s commercial hub and most populous urban centre.’


In 2004 it was concluded that Sikhuphe was not needed – so please tell me what has changed now?