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Showing posts with label Dlamini Sikelela. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dlamini Sikelela. Show all posts

Monday, 3 February 2014

NEW BOOK POINTS TO NEW SWAZILAND

New book points towards a new Swaziland
Kenworthy News Media
31 January 2014 
There are not enough books coming out of Swaziland to describe what is after all a unique culture and society that is, in its present absolute-monarchy-dictated form, in many ways brutally detrimental and stifling to its population, writes Kenworthy News Media.

Literature from Swaziland, in both English and siSwati, is a relatively recent phenomenon and those who have had the courage to challenge the status quo of poverty and repression in Swaziland in their fiction, such as Sarah Mkhonza, have often been harassed, ordered to stop, and exiled.

There have been many reports on the brutal and undemocratic nature of Swaziland. But describing a population, a group, a situation can and should be done in both more overall and more personal ways. By way of statistical, qualitative measures and methods, sure. But it is also necessary to describe and thus try to understand the individual to be able to truly understand the mental set-up of any population or group. And here fiction is indispensable.

In this respect a new semi-autobiographical (but as yet unpublished) book by SIkelela Dlamini, Nothing to lose, is a welcome and interesting take on the lives of its main characters, and thus on Swazi culture and society.

But the book is not simply a comment on Swazi society from the sixties to the present, but also a highly personal account that is seemingly an attempt at showing the potential success of Swazis from poor backgrounds by their own means. Without the aid of the corrupt and repressive culture that is dictated by the absolute monarchy that runs Swaziland.

It was entered in the Macmillan creative writing contest in Swaziland, where it was recognized as runner-up in the novel category. The author is planning to add to the final chapter that includes an elaboration of his own experiences and direct involvement in the mainstream struggle for a democratic and just Swaziland.

The book tells the story of Sabela, a boy who is born into a poor and ultimately broken rural family in the fictitious country of Soshangane, a country that in many respects is strikingly similar to the point of being virtually indistinguishable to the author’s native Swaziland.

Sabela grows up in the tough pre-independence sixties where he is initially is ordered to herd his uncle’s livestock. He also ends up working as a child labourer cane cutter in neighbouring South Africa, like his father.

The lack of parental love and close friends initially left Sabela vulnerable, solitary and disorientated, identity-wise. But he nevertheless manages to belatedly succeed in first primary school, against all odds, and later in getting first a degree at university in English and History and eventually a PhD.

For Sabela, school is a “gateway to all things good in life; from obscurity and the ignominy of poverty and deprivation.” He attributes his academic success to having learnt to suffer inwardly and persevere to prove himself outwardly and in the process earn the social recognition that he was deprived of as a child growing up without his parents.

Throughout the book are many more or less thinly veiled criticisms of Soshangane society (and by extension to this also of Swaziland) and the absolute monarchy that controls everything from the economy to the definition of culture.

The situation of women, and the reasons for Sabela’s mother being barred from contact with her two sons through a stifling traditional culture that is more or less dictated by the monarchy, is elaborated upon.  “Women are still largely [and legally] regarded as minors who can’t even access bank loans without the consent of their husbands or male relatives,” as the narrator conveys to the reader.

That plight of children is equally criticized, both the corporal punishment of pupils in Swaziland’s schools and child abuse at home. “Many orphaned children were actually battered to death and the matter was carefully swept under the carpet as were other cases of child abuse, including rape without their knowing neighbours either raising the alarm or coming to the victim’s rescue,” as the narrator puts it. And according to Sabela, “corporal punishment finds justification in the wider Soshangane culture … [and even by] the Ministry of Education.”

Inspired by the reading of South African literature and history at university, not least the ANC’s struggle for liberation that he is introduced to by black South African student’s at his university, Sabela begins to the question the foundations of his own society.

He “suddenly realized that it was possible after all to alter the circumstances that had held his own family back, subjecting him to all the exploitation that he had gone through. It started with education.”

After having worked as a High School  teacher, attempting to introduce a more anti-oppressive manner of pedagogy, Sabela becomes a full time political activist “to bring back democracy to his country,” as he puts it.

Having experienced some of the set-backs that such a line of work entails, Sabela is left somewhat disheartened at the prospects of a better and more democratic Soshangane in the near future. He also problematizes the consequences of being deliberately barred from meaningful job prospects because he is an activist.

The reason for Sabela’s pessimism in regard to the democratic movement’s ability to bring about the democratization of Soshangane is due in no small part to what he describes as the lack of willingness to constructively criticize and be criticized that he says exists within Soshangane’s democratic movement, something he says is “one of the fundamental flaws” of people and culture in Soshangane.

Nevertheless, Sabela admits to the struggle for socio-economic justice and democracy being a work-in-progress that might be “fraught with errors,” but is still “firmly on course.”

Having read Sikelela Dlamini’s book, it is clear that any true and meaningful opposition to the present Swazi regime must also be an educational and cultural revolution, so to speak. A revolution that not only changes the political system, but also the mindset and outlook of the population through art and culture. Political and social change is after all not really truly possible without either a preceding or simultaneous mental, pedagogical and cultural change.

You can receive a Word or PDF-copy of the book by mailing Sikelela Dlamini at: s1kelelad (at) gmail (dot) com

Sikelela Dlamini holds a PhD in Early Childhood Literacy Development from the University of Cape Town.

Saturday, 2 February 2013

MISA BACKS GOVT ATTACK ON ‘TIMES’



Media Institute of Southern Africa - Swaziland Chapter
Media Alert, February 1, 2013

Government tells media to sort itself out

The government of Swaziland is aware that the media is acting irresponsibly.

Principal Secretary of the Ministry of Information, Communication and Technology, Sikelela Dlamini, issued a statement on 30 January 2013, in which he criticises the Times of Swaziland Sunday, a weekly tabloid, for breaching not only its own code of ethics but also the country’s Constitution.

The ministry was responding to an article published by the Times of Swaziland Sunday on 27 January 2013 under the headline ‘The Naked Truth?’. The article chronicled the fallout between a Swazi diplomat based in London and her former Zimbabwean boyfriend. He is allegedly trying to recover money from her, and because she allegedly refused – or didn’t repay what he thought was the required amount – he posted a series of intimate and naked photos of her to Swazi diplomatic offices as well as posting the photos online. It is a seemingly a simple yet messy case of blackmail. And it is not unreasonable to suggest that none of this should have entered the public domain in the first place.

However, the Times of Swaziland Sunday – published by the Times of Swaziland Group of Newspaper – ran a lopsided story and published a naked photo of the woman with her breasts, private parts and face blurred. The photo does not protect her identity nor does it respect her right to privacy, despite ‘efforts’ to the contrary.

The ICT ministry was “horrified” by the story and the photo, stating that freedom of expression could not be used to breach professional boundaries or used to overstep ethical or legislative limitations.

“The recent blatant publication of indecent photography of one of our female Citizens, who equally enjoys protective Constitutional provisions, has generated wide public outcry… while questioning the professional discretion of certain establishments [The Times of Swaziland], within the local press corps.”  

The Swaziland chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA-Swaziland) is the first to decry the endemic censorship in the kingdom, however on this issue, we acknowledge the position of government.

The ICT ministry may not have the finest record on matters of freedom of speech, but MISA-Swaziland must give credit where it is due. The government is invoking the media code of ethics and the Constitution as it was meant to be invoked: to protect people from degrading and inhuman treatment.

As it stands, in early 2013, there is no operating independent media complaints commission (MCC) in Swaziland. It only exists on paper, however after its ‘launch’ in mid-2011 it failed to get off the ground. This commission has been in ‘discussion phase’ for ten years. MISA-Swaziland urges members of the MCC, Swaziland National Association of Journalists (SNAJ), and Swaziland Editors Forum (SEF) to push hard to get the MCC operating. If there was an operating and trusted complaints commission, aggrieved or defamed citizens – such as the woman who has had her naked body unwittingly splashed into the public’s view – could approach this organisation to seek an apology, resolution, or some other form of damages. Moreover, with a self-regulatory ‘mechanism’ in place the government will be less inclined to introduce a statutory media tribunal.

The government has been telling the media to ‘sort itself out’ for a long time. MISA-Swaziland shares this sentiment, and will continue working with the media and the government to ensure progress is made.

National Director of MISA-Swaziland Vuyisile Hlatshwayo said the Times of Swaziland Sunday was “wrong” to run the story and publish the photo, thereby feeding into a former lover’s blackmail plot.

“It is obscene,” he said. “We have a constitution that should protect against this sort of thing. Article 18 speaks of 'protection from inhuman or degrading treatment'. In MISA’s view, the publication of the photo is in direct violation of the Swaziland Constitution.

“The reason why this happens – unethical stories and photos get published – is because there is a lot repression and censorship when it comes to ‘real’ and ‘hard’ news, therefore the media has resorted to tabloid journalism, which thrives on scandals.

“In other words,” Hlatshwayo continues, “it is this soft and superficial news which is increasingly creeping into our media. MISA urges the Swazi media to be courageous enough to tackle issues which are in the public interest, rather than focusing on scandals and stories of insignificance." 



See also
‘TIMES SUNDAY’ ENCOURAGES BLACKMAIL

Sunday, 29 April 2012

STUDENTS ATTACK SSN ‘BILE’


Stiffkitten blog

28 April 2012


Swazi students denounce solidarity network foul-mouth

 “The Swaziland National Union of Students is amazed and angry at the bile spewed by one self-imposed exile called Lucky Lukhele. … The article was a constructive criticism of the broad, mass democratic movement in Swaziland. The Swaziland National Union of Students (SNUS) will write a letter to the PUDEMO NEC to [ask them to] review their relationship with the Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN). … Lucky Lukhele and the chairperson of the Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN), Solly, have actually destabilized the mass democratic movement,” the Swazi student organisation SNUS said in a statement issued by Secretary General Samkeliso Ginindza today [April 28 2012].

The reason for the strongly worded statement from SNUS was the nature of the wording made by the SSN’s Lucky Lukhele and the Swazi April 12 Uprising Facebook campaign in replies to an article I wrote.

The article was about the predictions of these self-professed revolutionaries – most of whom are apparently based in South Africa – and the rhetoric of the democratic movement.
Especially as the predictions, that promise “a hundred thousand people on the streets” and a subsequent “revolution” turn out to be pretty far from the truth. King Mswati unfortunately still wields the executive power in Swaziland, regardless of the more levelheaded and realistic attempts to bring democracy to Swaziland by many brave and focused members of the democratic movement. I therefore thought a little constructive criticism was in order.

Funnily enough, freelance journalist Louise Redvers made pretty much the same point in the Mail & Guardian on April 20, apparently without being attacked. “Some people are starting to question whether Swaziland’s democracy movement has not become too much of a willing victim, happier to cry foul than to take part,” she wrote.

I, on the other hand, was instantly attacked by the Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN) and the anonymously led Swazi April 12 Uprising Facebook campaign. Lucky Lukhele of the SSN referred to my article as being “ludicrously unfounded” and “bullshit,” and my organisation, Africa Contact, who has worked in partnership with the democratic movement in Swaziland for over ten years, was called a “pitiful excuse for a solidarity partner.”

The Swazi April 12 Uprising also called the article “bullshit,” and referred to it as being “outrageously far from the truth”, “an outrageous distortion,” and myself as being a “con-thing.” They then went on to rhetorically ask, “where is the documentation of the fact that Swazis were beaten, abducted and in some cases raped by the state’s armed forces [on April 12 2011 and] how much has this con-man done to highlight the fact that our most vocal elements, the youth, had their leaders arrested on that date under false ‘explosive charges’?”

Unfortunately, they hadn’t done their homework. In fact I wrote five articles that were published on my blog, Africa Contact’s website, Newstime Africa and in other news media that documented the brutality of the regime on April 12 2011, as well as several follow-up articles (and I have written many articles – over 100, in fact, containing over 75.000 words – about Swaziland and its democratic movement).

In the articles about April 12 2011, I wrote, amongst other things, that “Swaziland’s police and security forces have detained, and probably manhandled, several members of the Swazi democratic movement and several members of the international press even before today’s announced uprising in Swaziland, inspired by similar events in North Africa, has begun,” “The police in Swaziland continue to arrest, detain and generally try and scare people from joining the announced mass demonstrations in Swaziland today,” “Swazi police are trying to crush the Egypt and Tunisia-like uprising in Swaziland by teargassing and firing rubber bullets at demonstrators,” and “Swazi security forces are trying to shut down the uprising with water cannons, tear gas and random beatings and arrests.”

I also helped instigate a campaign for the release of Maxwell Dlamini and Musa Ngubeni, the two student activists who were charged with possession of explosives. And I wrote a chapter for a book called “African Awakening: the emerging revolutions” about the April 12 2011 uprising that was published by Pambazuka Press. Here, ironically, I quoted Sikelela Dlamini, employed by the Swaziland United Democratic Front at the time (and falsely accused by other agitators of having been fired from the organisation for having pinched money from their coffers), who remonstrates with the Swazi April 12 Facebook campaign by making exactly the point I was making in my article.

“While Swaziland remains predominantly rural with limited Internet connectivity, the hype around an uprising managed to filter throughout the country,” said Sikelela Dlamini. “It generated unrealistic excitement and anticipation on the part of a general citizenry, who became spectators while the bulk of those who generated the Facebook hype also resided outside the country and could not coordinate activities on the ground to actuate their cyber aspirations.”

And perhaps Sikelela Dlamini has hit the hammer on the nail here. Perhaps the problem is that the people within the SSN and the Swazi April 12 Uprising want to remote-control, so to speak, the masses in Swaziland to dance to their revolutionary tune from their offices in South Africa – a tune that calls for a violent uprising in Swaziland.

Just listen to the statement from the Swazi April 12 Uprising campaign in reply to my article: “The April 12 Uprising is first and foremost the aspiration of the most radical elements within the country’s democratic movement … these elements will always be two steps ahead of the masses … and being ahead of the masses they take the role of masterminds and strategists who propose a way forward and demand that the masses revolt.” And listen to Lucky Lukhele from the SSN in his response to my article today: “The state understands no other language but the force of violence.”

The problem for the SSN and the Swazi April 12 Uprising is that neither the masses nor the democratic movement at large seems to be buying it, as the press statement from SNUS and lack of support for their Marxist revolution in Swaziland clearly shows. Not the self-righteous and unrealistic revolutionary rhetoric that in effect insists on the exclusion of the masses from the planning of what ought to be a mass-based struggle, nor the claims that they are not ‘crying wolf’ when they continue to claim that the revolution will come ‘today.’


Even people on the SSN online forum don’t buy it. “As a matter of fact, people do constantly ‘cry wolf’ in Swaziland,” wrote former Cosatu employee Dominic Tweedie on the forum, in a reply to the tirade from Lucky Lukhele.

Tuesday, 12 July 2011

SWAZILAND IN CRISIS, SAYS BBC

BBC African Service

12 July 2011

Swaziland: A kingdom in crisis

Swaziland's King Mswati III ascended to the throne 25 years ago but he has little to celebrate during his silver jubilee.

An absolute monarch who rules over 1.2 million people, his government is in financial ruin, running out of cash for salaries, health care and fuel.

"My wife works at the university. Last month they got paid late. And they don't know what will happen when it's pay day again," Sikelela Dlamini, the co-ordinator of the opposition Swaziland United Democratic Front (SUDF), told the BBC.

"In the health sector, it's worse. Some people got only half their salaries. There is no money - only panic," he says.

The crisis has been caused by profligate spending - on the royal family of 13 wives, as well as unbudgeted wage increases - and a sharp decline in income because of the global economic crisis and new trade rules in the region, analysts say.

To read the full report click here.

Thursday, 26 May 2011

WILL ZUMA FORCE KING TO CHANGE?

From Peter Kenworthy’s stiffkitten blog


26 May 2011


SOURCE


Will Zuma’s South Africa demand democratisation in Swaziland?


“I believe that king Mswati III is under immense pressure even from his closest buddy, South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma,” says Sikelela Dlamini from the Swaziland United Democratic Front, an umbrella organisation of the democratic movement in Swaziland.


The recent spate of pro-democracy demonstrations against the regime in Swaziland, which so far culminated in the mass demonstrations in March and April of this year, shows the increasing willingness of Swazis to face intimidation and police brutality to demonstrate their dissatisfaction with the regime.


The reason for this dissatisfaction, says Sikelela Dlamini, is the monarch’s spending on prestige projects and personal luxuries, and the regime’s financial mismanagement and corruption. “Mswati III’s major handicap has to be his continuously lavish lifestyle when the majority of his people languish in untold suffering.”


Jacob Zuma is married to Mswati’s niece, however, and has therefore thus far been unwilling to criticize Swaziland’s absolute monarch Mswati III publicly. But others in South Africa, including Zuma’s son, Edward Zuma and members of his cabinet are more critically outspoken about Swaziland.


“We have spearheaded democratic change all over Africa,” said Edward Zuma in an interview with the South African Sunday Tribune, “and yet our neighbour is the one in need of democratic change. People complain about Mugabe and yet he has a more legitimate country because there is a democratic process. Mugabe is far better than Mswati.”


The South African Trade Union Federation, COSATU has been a staunch supporter of the Swazi democratic movement for years, and recently “condem[ed] the Swaziland government for its naked show of brutality and intensified repression” in a press statement.


And the ANC are seemingly following suit, although more carefully. “We call on the government of Swaziland to work towards the normalisation of the political environment by unbanning opposition political parties, releasing political activists and engaging in a meaningful dialogue with opposition political and trade union leaders to find a collective solution to the socio-economic situation faced by that country,” Ebrahim Ebrahim, the deputy International Relations Minister, said in a statement commenting on the Swazi regime’s violent clamp down on the peaceful April 12 protests.


This is all well and good, but South Africa is Swaziland’s main trading partner, with over 90% of Swaziland’s imports and 60% of its exports coming from trade with South Africa, and could therefore shut Swaziland down in a matter of days if the political will to do so was really there.

Wednesday, 25 May 2011

SWAZI POLITICAL PRISONERS JAIL VISIT

From Peter Kenworthy’s stiffkitten blog.


24 May 2011


SOURCE


Swazi political prisoners in good spirits


The two detained Swazi activists and political prisoners, the President of the Swaziland National Union of Students, Maxwell Dlamini, and member political movement SWAYOCO, Musa Ngubeni, are in good spirits, says Sikelela Dlamini of the Swaziland United Democratic Front.


“I visited Maxwell and Musa yesterday”, Sikelela Dlamini told me. “They remain in good health, resolute in defiance and firm in the belief that they and their fellow citizens will be free soon. They send their regards to all international solidarity friends who keep them and Swaziland in their minds as we struggle to re-claim our human dignity.”


Maxwell Dlamini and Musa Ngubeni were pre-emptively detained and allegedly tortured by Swazi police before the April 12 uprising in Swaziland, where the Swazi regime violently clamped down on demonstrators and detained the entire leadership of the Swazi democratic movement.


They have been denied bail on several occasions, Maxwell has been denied the right to sit his exams at the university of Swaziland where he is a student, and the Swazi authorities have done their utmost to obstruct their lawyer, Mandla Mkhwanazi.


The charges against Maxwell Dlamini and Musa Mgubeni of being in possession of explosives, and thus contravening Sections 8 and 9 of Swaziland’s Explosives Act 4 of 1961, have been described as preposterous by several members of the democratic movement in Swaziland, as well as by unions and solidarity organisations around the world, and Amnesty International has urged Swaziland to ensure their safety.


According to Vincent Ncongwane, Secretary General of the Swaziland Federation of Labour, the charges are an attempt to “cover up for the heavy-handedness the police applied against innocent citizens” during the April uprising.