The International Strategic Studies Association founded in 1982 and based in Washington DC describes itself as a worldwide membership Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) of professionals involved in national management, particularly in national and international security and strategic policy.
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Thursday, 23 January 2020
‘Plot underway to assassinate Swaziland absolute monarch’, international defence journal reports
The International Strategic Studies Association founded in 1982 and based in Washington DC describes itself as a worldwide membership Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) of professionals involved in national management, particularly in national and international security and strategic policy.
Wednesday, 19 July 2017
ANC WANTS SADC SWAZI RIGHTS PROBE
Wednesday, 8 May 2013
ANC: RELEASE POLITICAL PRISONERS
Tuesday, 16 August 2011
SHOULD SWAZILAND BE COLONISED?
16 August 2011
Should Swaziland be “colonised”?
Gordhan is already half-way towards “colonisation.”
By Stanley Uys
Angry over South Africa’s R2.5 bn bailout of Swaziland? Aghast that King Mswati III (Africa’s last remaining absolute monarch, crowned in 1986 and “looting the state coffers” ever since) now will have an even more “lavish and indulgent lifestyle” for himself and his 12 (approximately) wives?
Join the club – the northern Eurozone one. The northerners themselves are furious over bailouts: Greece and Cyprus, maybe Ireland. Who’s next?
Mswati has an estimated personal fortune of $200 million. SA’s Finance minister Pravin Gordhan (furious, too, that Mswati jumped the gun to announce the bailout, minus the conditions attached by Gordhan), will not confirm that Mswati first asked the IMF in vain for R10m.
Mswati’s critics range across the whole Left-to-Right spectrum. Ill-feeling runs high in SA against Mswati, seen as running his landlocked nation as his personal fiefdom for more than two decades. Swaziland’s pro-democracy activists threaten to march on the Union Buildings in Pretoria, and SA’s trade unions threaten to cross the border. How far will either get?
The Democratic Alliance calls on King Mswati to unban all political parties and release opposition party members and civil society activists who have been detained without trial. Who will hearken to it?
Cosatu, scornful of the “very vague conditions” attached by Gordhan to the bailout, says: "This is not a natural disaster, but one made in Lobamba (the country's traditional and legislative capital) by a few royal elites who have milked the country dry from years of extravagance, corruption, parasitism and poor management.”
King Mswati’s unelected administration has run through his country’s central bank reserves to pay public sector wages. The IMF says the crux is a civil service wage bill that consumes 18% of GDP. Mswati’s government owes at least $180m in unpaid bills. Repayments of the bailout will be via debits recovered from Swaziland's share of the Southern African Customs Union duties (60% of the kingdom’s total state revenue).
Gordhan says: “Swaziland is a sovereign country; we can only go so far.” It is in SA’s interests to have a stable country. “It’s not our place to dictate to them.” “Sovereign country” is the mantra most African states chant - afraid that outside interference in one profligate “sovereign” African country will lead to interference in the next? Sovereignty is the bulwark behind which ex-President Thabo Mbeki and the African Union resisted “interference.”
The DA makes the point that more than 90% of Swazi imports come from SA and SA buys about two-thirds of Swazi exports. Put these and other points together and the Mswati regime emerges as “utterly reliant” on SA’s goodwill. SA, says the DA, “should not miss this opportunity to contribute to the democratisation of our neighbour by using our economic leverage…without delay.”
By asking Swaziland to implement only economic, not political, reforms, Gordhan invites political restiveness among impatient SA trade unionists and in tiny Swaziland’s 1.4m population. The ANC Youth League, frustrated over its recent failed move to overthrow the Botswana government, sees Swaziland as a sitting duck.
When Zimbabwe was in its worst mess, did the thought flit through the ANC’s collective mind (it has one?) that Zimbabwe would soon be up for grabs?
The DA calls for “democratisation,” but wouldn’t “colonisation” be an option? A joint endeavour by say the UN or some other internationally-endorsed foreign institution or think-tank? (forget about the African Union).
Let’s get this straight. Colonialism as Africa has known it, is past its sell-by date. In any case, who would want a colony now, especially a run-down one like Swaziland? But what about a benign consortium, with hard-headed assistance in mind, and international backing?
Already, Gordhan wants a team of South African experts with unlimited access to “assist Swaziland with its fiscal and budgetary plans”; Swaziland to undertake "confidence-building measures" to attract foreign direct investment; to align its fiscal policy to International Monetary Fund standards; and to co-operate with "multilateral engagements" to stabilise Swaziland’s tiny economy. Gordhan is already half-way towards “colonisation.”
Hopefully, the critical political reforms Swaziland needs will arrive when they are propelled there by the momentum of economic change. If not, who would administer Swaziland if it went into political rehab? To judge by King Mswati’s record, politically it should be taken into protective custody or placed under a curator bonis. Its own trade unions, encouraged by Cosatu and other SA unions, could lend support, even if under warning not to rock the financial boat.
The problem is this: If the ANC cannot democratise itself, how can it democratise Swaziland?
Friday, 12 August 2011
WHEN MSWATI COMES BEGGING AGAIN
12 August 2011
ANDILE MAZWAI: Ask for more when Mswati comes begging again
‘We must be acutely aware of the danger in the logic that opens SA as an underwriter to Mswati’s spending whims’
THERE has been an outcry following SA’s R2,4bn part in bailing out Swaziland. The people of Swaziland, as spoken for by the trade unions, believe the bail-out afforded King Mswati a stay of execution. His tenure has become increasingly unpopular, not least because most of his 1,2 million subjects live in poverty and suffer political repression while he has sacrificed none of his luxuries.
South African opposition parties and the African National Congress’s (ANC’s) own alliance partners have also criticised the bail-out. The Mail & Guardian reported that the ANC’s investment company, Chancellor House, stood to benefit from the bail-out as it has co-investments with Mswati. Despite these valid criticisms, I wish to consider how the bail-out might result in an optimal outcome for SA.
Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations recognises a people’s right to self- determination, and the Swazi people have accepted Mswati as their rightful and legitimate monarch. This entitlement puts a moral duty on him to govern an orderly state in which the people can enjoy their chosen way of life in dignity. Allowing the state to fall into bankruptcy is a gross dereliction of that duty. The very essence of a sovereignty is that it has independent authority in its affairs. Being bankrupt and in need of bail-out subverts this authority. If this should become the undoing of Mswati, then so be it.
Are the people of Swaziland right in calling for a regime change and reform from monarchy to democracy? The answer is yes, they have the right to self-determination. If they wish to effect a change of regime, they are within their rights to demand it. An outsider, such as myself, cannot opine on regime change in another sovereign state. SA is ill- advised to take sides on the internal politics of another state. As a neighbour, however, SA also cannot stand idly by while those politics cause people to suffer.
We must accept that if Swaziland is allowed to fail by way of bankruptcy, then it is its people who will suffer the consequences much more so than their ruler. If the state cannot fund its institutions and pay its public servants, then it can be expected that those institutions will fall into chaos and lawlessness will prevail.
One can easily imagine the human suffering that would ensue in a failed state. Even if a democracy were to be formed out of such turmoil, experience has shown that people suffer when regimes change rapidly after succumbing to pressure to do so.
Given this outlook, SA must take a position that sides with human rights. In this way, it will know that its actions are both morally and politically correct. It follows then that if the R2,4bn bail-out will avert a humanitarian crisis, then we were correct to grant it. We must, however, be acutely aware of the danger in the logic that opens SA as a de facto underwriter to Mswati’s spending whims. Even though SA has self-interest in not having a failed state on another one of its borders; it cannot write blank cheques to avert it.
SA can channel the funds only through the recognised regime. This should not be mistaken as showing support for the monarch, as it is not. It is the only way sovereign states can relate to one another — to do otherwise could be seen as an attempt to undermine the government of Swaziland. SA has rightly imposed conditions on the loan, including reform to the governance of the kingdom, which must be led by the Swazi people.
While the loan has a mechanism for repayment, these very terms are likely to lead to a subsequent default for Swaziland — the problem is not cured, only deferred while being enlarged. This crisis has demonstrated that the Swazi monarch is incapable of running an administration.
If SA is serious about conditions that will cure the problem, it may wish to consider demanding the cession of Swaziland’s administration to itself when the king comes begging again. This will ensure the protection of both Swaziland and SA. (Historians will note that Swaziland fell under the administrative control of SA in 1890.)
I wish I could stop here, but Chancellor House cannot be ignored.
If the ANC’s investment vehicle will indeed benefit from the bail-out, then the decision was compromised. It is then only lucky that the positions of Chancellor House and SA happened to coincide. It would be disappointing to accept that our policy formation serves two masters, because at the point where they are not in agreement is where our luck will run out.
• Mazwai is group CEO of Barnard Jacobs Mellet.
See also
LOAN COULD LEAD TO GENUINE CHANGE
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2011/08/loan-could-lead-to-genuine-change.html