Search This Blog

Sunday, 21 October 2012

CONSTITUTION EXISTS MERELY ON PAPER



MPs are cowards
By Musa Hlophe Times Sunday (Swaziland) October 21,2012

Here is a quick question for all of us. "What has changed in Swaziland since we decided to have a Constitution?"

Here is the simple and depressing, answer: "Nothing".

I think the only lesson we can take from the farce that surrounds the vote of no confidence is that the constitution means absolutely nothing to the traditional structures, all of the Cabinet, many of our MPs and, I am sorry to say, even some of our judges.

The people on the streets and in the villages know this and are left bewildered and almost hopeless in the face of the arrogance of the powerful and unaccountable elite.

When the draft constitution was being paraded around the country, there was a meeting with some senior princes who were horrified at what it contained.

They were upset that it subjected authorities in the land to rules and regulations and that it was to be supreme over their deliberations and decisions.

It even guided them on who to appoint and what to do.

Prince David, the chair of the Constitutional Drafting Committee, took great care to assure them that, in reality, nothing would change for them. How right he was.

The Constitution of Swaziland exists merely on paper.

It is a convenient shield to show off to our regional and international partners who question the state of democracy and human rights in Swaziland.

However, in practice it does not exist.

A constitution is more than a mere law. It is the founding document of a nation.

guidelines

In the end, it is a political document that sets out guidelines for how power is divided and how it should be exercised.

It comes alive not in the dry words of the law but in the living examples of how politicians and the powerful behave.

Here in Swaziland, when the rules of the constitution are inconvenient to the wishes of Cabinet and the traditional authorities, they just ignore it.

The constitution is clear on many matters.

It is clear on how many women must be appointed to Parliament and Senate.

It is clear that four extra women MPs must be appointed when there are fewer than 30 per cent of women in Parliament.

It is clear that at least half of Cabinet should be made up of elected members of the House but until recently that was not the case. It is clear about who should be Human Rights Commissioners and Elections and Boundaries Commissioners. It is very clear on what happens after a vote of no confidence: "The King shall dissolve Cabinet."

All of these rules have been ignored.

However, these are the details, the bigger picture is that this government, the first to be appointed under the constitution, has gone out of its way to ignore not only the letter of the constitution but its spirit too. We have a Bill of Rights. Have we seen this government behave any differently?

arrogant

This week alone saw the newspapers filled with the arrogant and high-handed behaviour of the police.

Have we ever seen a police officer even investigated for abusing his powers?

We know that free speech is simply banned from our TVs and radios and highly restricted in the press. Last year saw one of our best judges in Thomas Masuku sacked for reasons that are obvious to everybody. He was ‘too’ independent.

We have a Human Rights Commission that has never been given a budget to do any real work or employ any staff. We have an Anti-Corruption Commission without Commissioners.
Everybody knows that it is in the nature of politicians to try and grab as much power as possible. This is why Parliament, judges and the independent oversight bodies are supposed to have the ability to call government ministers and civil servants to public account. On the paper of the constitution that is what is said – but what is our reality?

We can see from this month’s vote of no confidence scandal that Prime Minister Sibusiso Dlamini has done to Parliament in 2012 exactly what he did to the judges in 2002.
In November 2002, this Prime Minister declared that the government did not consider itself bound by judgments of the Court of Appeal.

When the PM refused to recognise the legal judgments, the Court of Appeal had the honour and courage to collectively and completely resign.

They forced the nation, and the world, to recognise the deep political trouble that Swaziland was in. They put the needs of the country, their personal honour and their duty to uphold the law before their own personal enrichment. The result was that the people of Swaziland and governments across the world put enough pressure on us to remove the PM from his position.
This month saw the Prime Minister declare that he did not consider himself bound by Parliament’s vote of no confidence.

excuses

He made up some legalistic sounding excuses but in the end he is neither a lawyer nor a judge and he certainly does not have the power to overrule a valid vote of no confidence and the constitution.

In the democratic norms I discussed last week, we expect a losing PM to resign.
However, since he did not do the honourable thing, it is up to the MPs to force him.
That is why my real anger is reserved for the parliamentarians.

What have they done? When faced with the ultimate challenge to their only real power, their constitutional and democratic right and their duty to represent the people, what did they do? Did they stand for democracy? Did they think of their mandate to represent the people? Did they look at the scorn with which the PM treated them and stand up to fight for the constitution and the rights of the ordinary Swazi?

We know they did not.

cowards

They behaved like the worst sort of cowards – the type that appears to be strong when the going is easy but let us down when times are hard.

They made us believe they were heroes and champions of the people.

They had the numbers and courage to use the constitution to evict a Cabinet that had long lost its nation’s mandate.

The people spoke with courage at Sibaya, Sidla Inhloko and in the streets, the churches and even the shebeens across the country.

The MPs listened and did the remarkable thing - voted out the Cabinet.

I am told that they were then put under an enormous amount of pressure with threats and bribes raining down on them.

However, as the story of Job in the Bible tells us, you know a person’s character not when times are easy but when the going gets tough.

When MPs caved in and passed a motion that claims to overturn the vote of no confidence, they showed us the true nature of Swaziland’s politics – that it is simply not a democracy in any credible sense of the word.

They failed in their first duty to represent the people against the powerful.

Section 68 is the only part of the constitution that allows the people to change their government and the MPs showed us this week that it might as well not be there. I thank them for showing the world that, in reality, the Swaziland was not, is not, and can never be, a democracy under this constitution.

This leaves us with the political reality that the real Constitution of Swaziland is the King’s Proclamation of 1973.

Sources tell me that many in power still consider this to be the real founding document of the Swazi nation. We all know that it has never been repealed.

The closest we have got was when the Attorney General admitted to an international audience that it had been ‘superseded’ but he never went on to explain what that meant in practice. I think we can all now tell. It means that while the constitution might be the newer document, the 1973 decree never went away.

reality

We can now see that the political reality of Swaziland in 2012 is that the 1973 Order still stands. Political parties are not allowed to stand for elections. The traditional authorities decide what is acceptable. Free speech remains a myth. The rights to assembly and association are simply treated as a joke.

Women remain treated as second-class citizens.

The police, army and others, kill, torture and maim whom they choose. The rich get richer while the poor get poorer.

For sure, we must develop democracy with regard to our own history and culture. However, in Swaziland there has simply been no true democratic development.

We have developed the symbols of democracy such as elections, Parliament, judges sitting in courts, even supposedly independent oversight commissions on elections, human rights, political integrity and corruption. But what we have failed to do is develop a culture of democracy and the rule of law where these institutions are respected by the both the traditional authorities and the ordinary Swazis.

In the end, last week’s decision to reverse the vote of no confidence said the powerful in Swaziland do not respect either domestic law or international democratic conventions. It said Swaziland’s constitution was a complete fraud.

Most telling of all is that it said the powerful in our country have absolutely no respect for us, the ordinary people.

My other question to you, dear reader, is this; ‘What are you going to do about it?’


See also

TOP LAW OFFICER DEFIES CONSTITUTION

GOVT NO-CONFIDENCE VOTE REVERSED

Thursday, 18 October 2012

TOP LAW OFFICER DEFIES CONSTITUTION



Swaziland’s Attorney-General Majahenkhaba Dlamini has said that the Government decided not to follow the constitution when it succeeded in having a no-confidence vote against it overturned.

Dlamini who supports the government action said that although the preamble to the Swazi constitution states, ‘Whereas all the branches of government are the Guardians of the Constitution, it is necessary that the courts be the ultimate Interpreters of the Constitution,’ the government decided not to go to court but simply to demand a re-run of the vote.

He told the Times of Swaziland newspaper, ‘Government decided not to go to court, but even this route to rescind the vote is valid. Government could have gone to court but decided against it.’  

Politics in Swaziland has been in turmoil for the past two weeks since the House of Assembly passed a vote-of no confidence in the government by a majority greater than three-fifths. According to the constitution, when this happens the government must resign within three days. Failing this the constitution obliges the king to sack the government.

The government neither resigned, nor did King Mswati III, who is sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, uphold the constitution.

Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini, who was not elected to parliament but personally appointed to his position by King Mswati, refused to recognise the no-confidence vote. He claimed that correct procedures had not been followed before the vote.

On Monday (15 October 2012), the government forced a rerun and the no-confidence vote was overturned. This time only 32 of the 65 members of the House of Assembly were present. No vote was counted, so it is impossible to know how many supported the motion.

It has emerged that some members of the house who were opposed to overturning the vote were denied the chance to make submissions on Monday and staged a walkout.

The Government has been under severe criticism for forcing through the vote with lawyers in the kingdom claiming that it had no constitutional right to do so. They say only the courts can interpret the constitution, not the government.

When questioned on this point the AG recognised that the constitution made this clear in its preamble. ‘Government could have gone to court but decided against it,’ he told the Times. He said the government relied on parliamentary standing orders.

He attacked the lawyers who opposed the government action.  ‘They don’t know what they’re talking about. All I’m saying is that some of these lawyers know nothing. I don’t know where they got the notion that you can’t rescind a motion.’

He went on: ‘The rescinding is allowed by standing orders.’

Advocate Lucas Maziya said it was unheard of that parliament standing orders could overrule the constitution. Another lawyer, Titus Mlangeni, said that once a vote of no-confidence had been passed in the house it could not be reversed.

See also

GOVT NO-CONFIDENCE VOTE REVERSED

Wednesday, 17 October 2012

GOVT NO-CONFIDENCE VOTE REVERSED



The Swaziland House of Assembly has reversed its vote of no-confidence in the government, amid great controversy.

On Monday (15 October 2012) after an eight-hour debate members rescinded a vote that had taken place two weeks earlier. That vote, by a three-fifths majority of members of the House, was enough to force the cabinet to resign, in line with Section 68 (5) of the Swazi Constitution.

The first vote had cause a political crisis because the government, led by Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini, refused to resign and King Mswati III did not sack him, as he is required to do under the Constitution.

Last weekend it was reported that the king, who is sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, was furious at the vote of no-confidence and he refused to see the Speaker of the House on the matter. It was widely interpreted that because the king did not accept the vote’s outcome, a reason would be found to declare it void.

Within days of this, the House met on Monday to reverse the original vote. Only 32 members of the House were present for the vote and this fell short of the three-fifths majority the original vote enjoyed. There are 65 members of the House and the 32 present for the vote was only two members over the minimum number who must be present for the House to be quorate.

The votes on Monday were not recorded; Speaker Prince Guduza used the ‘Aye or Nay’ voting principle to decide the outcome, so the exact numbers who voted for the reversal can never be known.

There are doubts about the legality of Monday’s vote. The Times of Swaziland, the kingdom’s only independent daily newspaper, reported that on Monday the Attorney General, Majahenkhaba Dlamini had not been able to tell the House on Monday what instrument was being used to allow the vote to go ahead. 

Chairman of the Lawyers for Human Rights Swaziland Mandla Mkhwanazi reported in the Times,said, ‘My view is that if it takes two to tango, it should also take two to un-tango. By this I mean that since it took a three-fifths majority for the vote to be passed, it should also take the same number of votes to reverse it.’ 


See also

KING WON’T ACT ON NO-CONFIDENCE VOTE

Sunday, 14 October 2012

KING ‘WON’T ACT ON NO-CONFIDENCE VOTE’

King Mswati III of Swaziland is refusing to recognise the vote of no-confidence in his government, an international news agency has revealed for the first time.

He is said to be ‘extremely upset’ by the vote and is refusing to meet with the Speaker of the House of Assembly on the issue.

The crisis began on 3 October 2012 when the House of Assembly passed a vote of no-confidence in the Swazi government by a majority greater than three-fifths. According to the constitution when this happens the king must sack the cabinet.

But, King Mswati III, generally recognised as sub-Saharan Africa’s last remaining absolute monarch, has not done so. And, his government has refused to resign.

The Inter Press Service (IPS) news and feature agency reported a ‘highly placed source’ saying the king ‘is not prepared to act on the vote because he was extremely upset by the House of Assembly’s resolution’. 

IPS reported King Mswati was refusing to meet with Prince Guduza the Speaker of the House of Assembly about the vote. In Swaziland, the protocol is that the king has to be officially told by the Speaker about decisions of the House before he can act.

The revelation is the first time since the crisis began that information about King Mswati’s role has become public. In Swaziland the state-censored media and the self-censoring private media reported the cause of the delay in the king’s action was because he was discussing what to do with advisers.

Some voices in the media blamed Barnabas Dlamini the Prime Minister for the crisis, saying that he should have resigned once the no-confidence vote was passed. However, the constitution puts the onus clearly on the king to sack the government. It is a constitutional requirement for him to do so; there is no allowance for him to do anything else.

The king personally appointed Dlamini as Prime Minister in 2008 in contravention of the constitution and together the king and PM picked the government. Many ministers, including the PM himself, were not elected to parliament, but appointed by King Mswati.

IPS reported political analysts saying the crisis ‘has exposed the undemocratic nature of the Swazi system of government and that it has put Mswati in a precarious position where he has to choose between the will of the people and those he has placed in power’.

Swaziland government spokesperson Percy Simelane told IPS that the cabinet was still waiting for the king’s decision.

See also

KING PROVES CONSTITUTION IS WORTHLESS

KING PROVES CONSTITUTION IS WORTHLESS



The current political crisis in Swaziland demonstrates one thing clearly: the kingdom’s constitution is not worth the paper it is written on.

Nearly two weeks ago the Swazi House of Assembly passed a vote of no confidence in the government by a three-fifths majority.  According to the constitution when such a vote takes place the king is mandated to sack the Cabinet: he has no discretion in the matter.

But, since the vote took place King Mswati III has not fulfilled his constitutional obligation. 

Instead, the king’s advisers, the government and most of the Swazi media have been waiting for King Mswati himself to decide whether he would accept the result of the vote. If he agrees with the House, the government goes: if he disagrees, it stays.

And, that is the heart of the matter. Swaziland is not a constitutional democracy, it is an absolute monarchy. This is despite the fact that King Mswati himself signed the 2005 Constitution into law.

In the absolute monarchy of Swaziland the king rules and nothing can be done without his agreement. He instructs the government and parliament what to do and he overrules government decisions if he wishes. Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini himself publicly admitted this in August 2012 when he told the Times Sunday newspaper in Swaziland that the government belonged to His Majesty. 

He told the newspaper, ‘Government listens when His Majesty speaks and we will always implement the wishes of the King and the Queen mother.’

He said this when after a six-week pay strike by teachers which saw government sacking teachers and refusing to negotiate, King Mswati instructed both sides to end the dispute, for the teachers to be reinstated and for negotiations to commence. The teachers willing agreed and the government, with some reluctance, agreed.

King Mswati is no respecter of the constitution. In 2008, he appointed Barnabas Dlamini as Prime Minister even though under the constitution Dlamini did not qualify for the office.

So what happens in the current political crisis? Only one thing should happen: the King (albeit belatedly) should announce that the constitution is the supreme law of the land and the government is sacked.

The likelihood is that he will not do so. He is an experienced man, he understands, without the need for ‘advisers’ what the Constitution says, but although he understands it we must assume that he does not respect it. He is probably hoping that delays will allow a head of steam to be created among anti-democrats in his kingdom to cast doubt on the validity of the vote; that parliamentarians who supported the no-confidence vote will be bullied into reversing their decision and that public opinion will be manipulated to believe that the Prime Minister has done nothing that deserves his sacking.

If the government survives this no-confidence vote, it will be because the constitution has been ignored. The constitution will be worthless and any claims that King Mswati might make in the international arena that his kingdom is a democracy will be exposed.

See also

CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS ENTERS WEEK TWO