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Tuesday, 6 February 2018

TRUE LIFE OF SWAZI PRIME MINISTER

Swaziland’s unelected Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini has published the first volume of his autobiography. It runs for 500 pages and more books are promised.
Unsurprisingly newspapers such as the Swazi Observer which is in effect owned by King Mswati III, the absolute monarch who appointed Dlamini to office with the order to attack democrats who wanted political parties to be able to contest elections, was full of praise for the book.
The Observer on Saturday (3 February 2018) reported, ‘Dlamini disclosed during the launch of his book that he was inspired to write the book by the absence of a significant number of similar accounts by prominent public figures in Swaziland.’

Dlamini who is a very sick man turned 75 in May 2017. Informed readers (that is those who don’t rely solely on the censored and self-censoring news media in Swaziland) will not bother to buy the book which retails at E300 (US$25). Most people in Swaziland where seven in ten of the 1.3 million population have incomes of less than US$2 per day would not be able to afford it even if they wanted to buy.

It is not worth buying the book because it is a dishonest account of Dlamini’s life. The book fails to remind readers that Dlamini has been involved in a questionable business deal that netted him millions of emalangeni. He was also involved in a dubious land deal and was only saved from a formal inquiry by the personal intervention of the King.

Barnabas Dlamini was also humiliated on the world stage in 2010 when he accepted an international award for his ‘humanitarian work’ from a known con-man.

And, he has a record as an anti-democrat who has advocated that his opponents be tortured.

In 2015, the Times Sunday reported (10 May 2015) that Fusini Investments (Proprietary) Limited, directed by the Prime Minister and two others, bought land for E93,120 from government in 2005, which by then had generated a profit of E7.4 million (US$740,000 at the then exchange rate): a profit of more than 800 percent.

The PM’s company sold the land to the Public Service Pension Fund (PSPF), a public organisation that was established in 1993 for the management and administration of pensions for government (public sector) employees.

Prime Minister Dlamini has a history of involvement in questionable land deals. In 2011, he and others escaped scrutiny on land deals after the direct intervention of King Mswati.

They had bought Swazi nation land for themselves at what a select committee report later called ‘ridiculously cheap’ prices and ‘tantamount to theft of State property’. 

 In late December 2010 it was revealed that Dlamini, his deputy, and four cabinet ministers were at the centre of a land purchase scandal.

Dlamini, who constantly claims he wants to stamp out corruption in the kingdom, was allowed to buy government-controlled land at half price, netting himself a E304,000 (US$43,000 at the then exchange rate) saving. Themba Masuku, the then Deputy PM and four ministers each received discounts of between 30 and 50 percent on their purchases. None of these people were elected to the Swazi Parliament – all were appointed by the King.

The politicians were allowed to purchase the so-called ‘crown land’ (which is owned by the King on behalf of the Swazi nation) in the Swazi capital Mbabane without having to compete with other would-be buyers. They were given the land at below market value, in effect cheating the Swazi people out of the money.

Two of the ministers who took advantage of this scam were members of the Swazi Royal Family, which is headed by King Mswati, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch.

The ministers involved were Minister of Natural Resources and Energy, Princess Tsandzile; Minister of Economic Planning and Development, Prince Hlangusemphi; Minister of Home Affairs, Chief Mgwagwa Gamedze; and the Minister of Agriculture, Clement Dlamini.

The Times of Swaziland, the kingdom’s only independent daily newspaper, reported at the time that the Prime Minister made the biggest killing. He was allocated ‘a portion of land measuring 6,084 square metres. He paid E304,000 for the land after it was discounted from the initial price of E608,000. Effectively, he was granted a 50 percent discount.’

In total the land was sold at about E1 million less than it was worth, the Times estimated.

Former government ministers also benefited from the land purchase scandal. They included two members of the Swazi Royal Family. Prince David received a 50 percent discount on land worth E97,000 allocated to him. Prince Mbilini also received land, but the exact details of his windfall were not known, the Times reported.

It was believed that at least nine former ministers were also given land at discounted prices.

It later emerged that the Swazi Cabinet, which was hand-picked by the King, approved the land purchase. This, in effect, meant they approved a plan that allowed themselves to save hundreds of thousands of emalangeni on the land scam.

It was later revealed that the Prime Minister and the others were not eligible for discounts on the land because such discounts were only available to poor people. In Swaziland seven in ten people have incomes of less than US$2 per day.

Prince Guduza, Speaker of the Swaziland House of Assembly, rebuked Barnabas Dlamini, the Prime Minister, for ‘interference of the highest order’, after the Swazi Parliament decided to set up a seven-member select committee to investigate the land deals and he called MPs in to see him ‘one-by-one’ to try to get them on his side.

The whole land deal scandal reached a climax in May 2011 when Dlamini took Prince Guduza, the Speaker of the House of Assembly, to court to stop a debate about the PM’s irregular land deals taking place.

He succeeded in getting a High Court order to stop parliament debating the land issue and publication of a select committee report into the affair. The House of Assembly ignored the court and debated anyway.

The select committee report described the conduct of Lindiwe Dlamini, Minister of Housing and Urban Development, in the deals as corrupt and treasonous.

The report stated that the authority for land deals was unconstitutionally taken away from the King’s Office, by Lindiwe Dlamini.

‘The act of the minister was not only unconstitutional but also seriously undermined the authority and sovereignty of the office of the Ingwenyama [the King] and was therefore treasonous,’ the report stated.

The report made more than 20 findings, including:

That the Minister for Housing and Urban Development [Lindiwe Dlamini] acted unconstitutionally and with total disregard of the Crown Land Disposal regulations of 2003, which were promulgated in line with the provisions of the Crown Land Disposal Act of 1911.

That the cabinet ministers concerned used their positions to gain unfair advantage over other Swazis who had applied for the land many years ago, by-passing the Crown Land Disposal Committee in the process. 

The Prime Minister and the Minister for Natural Resources and Energy [Princess Tsandzile] bought the land at ridiculously low prices. The most disturbing aspect is that the Prime Minister was awarded the certificate to develop his portion and designs approved without having paid for the plot and records show that he only did so on February, 22 2011, long after the Select Committee was appointed. 

That the current administration has no respect for the constitution, as there are many laws that deal with land issues and until now they have not been aligned with the constitution. 

That the Attorney General was never consulted on this land deal. 

That the allocation of land to ministers through a cabinet decision was unlawful and it smacks of an element of personal aggrandisement since such action is not supported by any legal instrument. Receiving a housing allowance on the one hand and on the other hand apportioning crown land to oneself, is tantamount to theft of State property. 

That, as a custodian of State assets and property, by virtue of its position in government, cabinet had no legal right to take a collective decision on the allocation of land to ministers, even worse, that in the process it violated the Constitution, 2005. 

In June 2011, King Mswati confirmed his status as an absolute monarch when he ordered the House of Assembly and the Senate to stop discussing the land scandal. He said he would decide what would happen to the land.

The King’s decision to intervene was kept private and the media were excluded from a joint meeting of the House of Assembly and Senate at which the King’s dictate was given.

Dlamini then instructed the media in Swaziland to stop discussing the land deal. He said, ‘His Majesty said the issue should be put to rest. It means the matter has been concluded because the King’s word is a command and the law. I take it that it is over and I hope journalists will take it as having been concluded. There is no need for journalists to keep bringing this matter up and spicing it. It has to be taken out of the news,’

Parliament was informed by both its presiding officers (Speaker Prince Guduza and Senate President Gelane Zwane) that the King had ordered the PM to withdraw his court action regarding the land issue and that the land in question would be returned to government ownership.


Dlamini is a human rights’ abuser

Dlamini has a poor human rights record going back more than a decade, but he is known to be close to King Mswati. In October 2012, the House of Assembly passed a vote of no-confidence in Dlamini and his government and according to the Swaziland Constitution the King was obliged (he had no discretion in the matter) to sack the PM and government. 

King Mswati did not do so and instead put pressure on the House of Assembly to reverse its vote.

Dlamini has been appointed four times by the King to be PM of Swaziland. His record shows him as a hard man with little regard for human rights. He supports the King in his desire to stop all dissent and brand oppositions as ‘terrorists’.

When introducing Dlamini as the PM in 2008, King Mwsati told him publicly to get the terrorists and all who supported them. Dlamini set about his task with zeal. He banned four prodemocracy organisations. 

His Attorney General Majahenkhaba Dlamini told Swazis affiliated with the political formations to resign with immediate effect or feel the full force of the law. Under the Suppression of Terrorism Act (STA), enacted the same year Dlamini came to power, members and supporters of these groups could face up to 25 years in jail. 

Under the draconian provisions of the STA, anyone who disagrees with the ruling elite faces being branded a terrorist supporter. 

The Attorney General stressed that the government was after supporters of the banned organisations. Supporting an organisation, he said, ‘includes associating with such banned formations or aiding materialistic through provision of commodities such as food and weapons.’

This happened at a time when the call for democracy in Swaziland was being heard loudly both inside the kingdom and in the international community. 

The Dlamini-led Government clamped down on dissent. In 2011, Amnesty International reported the ill-treatment, house searches and surveillance of communications and meetings of civil society and political activists. Armed police conducted raids and prolonged searches in the homes of dozens of high profile human rights defenders, trade unionists and political activists while investigating a spate of petrol bombings. Some of the searches, particularly of political activists, were done without search warrants.

In 2010, Dlamini publicly threatened to use torture against dissidents and foreigners who campaigned for democracy in his kingdom. He said the use of ‘bastinado’, the flogging of the bare soles of the feet, was his preferred method.

Dlamini told the Times of Swaziland newspaper he wanted, ‘to punish dissidents and foreigners who come to the country and disturb the peace’.

But Dlamini’s abuse of human rights did not start with his appointment in 2008. He was a former PM and held office for seven and a half years until 2003. While in office he gained a reputation as someone who ignored the rule of law. 

In 2003, he refused to recognise two court judgements that challenged the king’s right to rule by decree. This led to the resignation of all six judges in the Appeal Court. The court had ruled that the king had no constitutional mandate to override parliament by issuing his own decrees.

In a report running for more than 50,000 words, Amnesty International  looked back to the years 2002 and 2003 and identified activities of Dlamini that, ‘included the repeated ignoring of court rulings, interference in court proceedings, intimidating judicial officers, manipulating terms and conditions of employment to undermine the independence of the judiciary, the effective replacement of the Judicial Services Commission with an unaccountable and secretive body (officially known as the Special Committee on Justice but popularly called the Thursday Committee), and the harassment of individuals whose rights had been upheld by the courts.’


Barnabas Dlamini falls for Humanitarian Award con-trick

In October 2010, Barnabas Dlamini travelled to the Bahamas to receive an international award for his ‘humanitarian’ work, even though it had been revealed to be a con-trick.

He received a medal from a known con-artist called Rudy King. At the centre of the scandal was an organisation called World Citizen Awards (WCA) headed by King. The Swazi Government had put out a press release saying WCA was to honour Dlamini for the work he was doing for human rights.

The Swazi Media Commentary (SMC) website went to the Internet and found the website for WCA. On there was a list of trustees who were said to be the backbone of the organisation. Each person listed had a reputation as advocates for human rights and it seemed odd that they would vote to give Dlamini a medal.

SMC emailed each of the trustees and within hours received a reply from one of them that said he was the victim of a hoax. It turned out that none of the trustees had ever heard of WCA and certainly were not supporters.

The Associated Press (AP) news agency took up the story and realised that the WCA was a sham organisation consisting only of a website and an accommodation address.

Once the AP story hit the Internet, journalists in the Bahamas who knew Rudy King of old ran reports about his background as a con artist. 

But Barnabas Dlamini still flew at Swazi taxpayers’ expense across the world to collect his medal.
Later, he defended accepting the award by saying Rudy King was respected in Swaziland and had been ‘in and out of the country since the century began’. 

He told a news conference that the media ‘had sung his praises’ when he wanted to open an office in Swaziland. 

Dlamini also said King had previously awarded his medal to other Swazi luminaries. 

He said, ‘In 2005 he gave an award to a prince (David), gave a medal to Prince Guduza in 2007 and to the prime minister in 2008, so what is the difference now in 2010? His history in Swaziland is rich. This is the fourth medal he has presented to Swazis but now the focus is on 2010.’

Richard Rooney

See also

SWAZILAND PM IN LAND SALE SCANDAL

MPs ATTACK LAND-SCAM MINISTER

PM SAYS GOD SUPPORTS LAND SCAM

CABINET APPROVED ITS LAND SCAM

PM ‘STOLE FROM POOR’ IN LAND SCAM

LAND-SCAM PM DECIDES HE’S INNOCENT

SWAZI PM UNDER THE COSH

SWAZI PM ‘FACES NO-CONFIDENCE VOTE’

SWAZILAND’S BULLY PM ‘MUST GO’

LAND SCAM: TREASONOUS AND CORRUPT

KING SHOWS HE IS ABSOLUTE MONARCH

PM ORDERS MEDIA SILENCE ON LAND

SWAZILAND PM IS A BOGUS DOCTOR

Monday, 5 February 2018

POLICE ‘FIRED LIVE BULLETS AT PROTEST’

Police in Swaziland have not denied a newspaper report that they fired live ammunition during a student protest.

Students from Swaziland Christian University were protesting about delays in receiving allowances and problems over graduation.

Students marched in protest on Wednesday (31 January 2018) and at least 11 were arrested for damaging property and causing a disturbance.

The Swazi Observer newspaper reported on Friday (2 February 2018), Deputy Chief Police Information and Communication Officer Assistant Superintendent Phindile Vilakati, ‘said she could not confirm or deny allegations of police brutality and assault’.

It added, ‘When Vilakati was asked if it was true that one of their officers ordered that live rounds of ammunition be used instead of teargas and rubber bullets against the protesting students, she said what happens during police operations was something that was to be decided by those officers on the ground.’

Students, including a mother and her baby were arrested and put in police cells overnight pending a court appearance. Students later accused police of brutality.
 
Police in Swaziland have been known in the past to fire live ammunition during legitimate protests. In February 2017 they fired warning gunshots at civilians when kombi drivers and conductors brought traffic to a standstill at Mvutshini by blocking the highway and stopping public transport. They were protesting about an alleged corrupt traffic police officer.

Also in February 2017 police fired warning gunshots as University of Swaziland students marched with a petition to the Ministry of Labour and Social Security to protest about late payment of their allowances. 

Again in  February 2017 they fired live gunshots and teargas at workers at Juris Manufacturing in Nhlangano when workers were locked out in a dispute over allegations that management planned to purge the staff of ‘troublesome elements’. 

In October 2016 police fired gunshots at protesting students at the Limkokwing university in Mbabane.  At least four students received ‘serious injuries’ during disturbances, according to the Times of Swaziland, the kingdom’s only independent daily newspaper.

In August 2016 riot police fired shots over the heads of striking workers outside the Plantation Forestry Company who were protesting for an increase in pay of the equivalent of 35 US cents per hour.

In October 2015 police fired shots and teargas at protesting textile workers at the Zheng Yong Garment factory in Nhlangano. They were protesting against the behaviour of security guards.

In June 2013 police fired live bullets and teargas as children protested against alleged corruption at Mhubhe High School in Ngculwini.

See also

POLICE KEEP MUM AND BABY IN JAIL
SWAZI POLICE FIRE AT STUDENTS
TEXTILE PROTEST: POLICE FIRE GUNS
SWAZI POLICE SHOOT-TO-KILL
POLICE SHOOT TWO STUDENTS IN HEAD
POLICE SHOOT INNOCENT BYSTANDER
SWAZI GUN COPS ENDANGER CHILDREN
http://swazimedia.blogspot.co.uk/2010/01/swazi-gun-cops-endanger-children.html

Saturday, 3 February 2018

SWAZI DOCTORS SUSPEND STRIKE

Doctors, nurses and other health workers in Swaziland have suspended strike action after winning a court order against the government.

They are protesting a new circular that slashed their stand-by and on-call allowances. On Wednesday (1 February 2018) the Swazi Industrial Court suspended the order. It will return to court on 9 February.

The circular ended standby allowances and standardised on-call allowances. Health workers said they had not been consulted on the changes. Government said the new order would save E50 million a year (US$4.2 million) from the health budget.

Health workers had decided not to undertake on-call duties. This decision was suspended following the Industrial Court decision.

See also

HEALTH CRISIS: BLOOD SUPPLIES DRY UP
MEDICINE SHORTAGE: FIVE DIE
DRUG SHORTAGE CRISIS DEEPENS
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2017/05/swazi-drug-shortage-crisis-deepens.html

Friday, 2 February 2018

POLICE KEEP MUM AND BABY IN JAIL

A woman and her baby were held in a police cell overnight in Swaziland along with at least 10 other students who are saying they were beaten up by police.

The students from  Swaziland Christian University (SCU) had been arrested and detained for allegedly vandalising property and disturbing classes at Saim Christian High School on Wednesday (31 January 2018). They had been taking part in a protest march about unpaid allowances.

Fellow students protested at the magistrates court in Mbabane, the Swazi Observer reported (2 February 2018). It said, ‘The students are said to have been battered by the police and one of them sustained a tear on the left ear.

The newspaper reported Students Representative Council (SRC) president Thabani Mkhwanazi, ‘said they are saddened by the brutality they encounter at the hands of the police because they are passively portraying their frustration while police are armed with heavy guns and an aggressive approach to matters’.

It quoted him saying, ‘We have been exposed to too much brutality at the hands of the police and we demand answers on why they are this aggressive to defenceless students who are simply making known their grievances through a passive protest.’

The mother, who the newspaper did not name, was reportedly kept in a cell with her baby overnight. The newspaper called this ‘an unbelievable episode’.

Ntswaki Khumalo, a third year nursing student, who also spent the night in a police cell at Mbabane police station, told the newspaper they were arrested by police during the protest action and bundled into the back of a police van and sent to the police station. 

The newspaper reported, ‘Upon arrival, they were placed into holding cells where a contingent of about seven police officers allegedly came into where they were kept and started assaulting them.

‘She said at some point the police hit them with the back of an R4 rifle while they continued hitting them with open hands across the face. 

‘They said after the brutal lashing, their friends and colleagues arrived at the police station to see them and give them food they had bought but only to be told that they would not be allowed to see them as they would be provided with police food. 

‘Students said that the cell they were in had dirty blankets and reeked of urine and other disgusting things such that they now fear that the baby may have contracted some diseases as they were not even able to change its diapers. This, they said, was due to the fact that they were not allowed access to running water.’’

Deputy Chief Police Information and Communication Officer Assistant Superintendent Phindile Vilakati denied that students from SCU spent the night in jail with a baby. She could not confirm or deny allegations of police brutality and assault. 

This was not the first run in between police and students at SCU. In September 2017 armed riot police broke up a peaceful vigil by students outside the Ministry of Education and Training when they were seeking to get their closed university reopened.

Armed police from the Operational Support Services Unit (OSSU) gave the students 10 minutes to disperse. The OSSU is known for its violence and the students led by executives of the university’s student representative council decided to march away.

SCU was closed in August 2017 following an investigation by the Swaziland Higher Education Council (SHEC). According to a 40-page report, SCU, a private university in a joint venture with the Swazi Government, did not have the required funding to continue. There were also issues among others about the suitability of learning resources such as the library and the relevance and quality of its courses.

The university which specialises in medical-related courses had an enrolment of 916 students in the past academic year.

In 2015, when SCU was in financial crisis and could not pay salaries, the university blamed the Swazi Government for not giving it money it had promised.

In February 2015, it was reported that armed police raided the university’s campus after students boycotted classes. They were protesting about a shortage of lecturers and inadequate teaching facilities.

It was also separately reported that 25 female students from the university had been raped in the previous year. Students blamed the university for not providing them with secure accommodation.

See also

POLICE ‘TORTURE’ STUDENTS IN CELLS
ARMED POLICE END STUDENT PROTEST
STUDENTS ARRESTED AT COURT HOUSE
SWAZI STUDENT LEADERS ARRESTED
https://swazimedia.blogspot.co.uk/2017/09/swazi-student-leaders-arrested.html

TOO LONG WAIT SEEKING SWAZI JUSTICE

‘Most visits are trouble-free’
Kenworthy News Media, 2 February 2018
Trying to complain and demand an investigation into having been beaten up and threatened by security police in Swaziland via the UK Foreign Office takes its time. In my case seven and a half years and counting, writes Kenworthy News Media.

Me and my colleagues were detained by police without charge, beaten, threatened, denied any legal representation, food, drink, or visits to the toilet during a five hour ordeal at Manzini Regional Police Headquarters, in Africa’s last absolute monarchy Swaziland.

The UK Foreign Office assured me recently that my case, ongoing since September 2010, “is still open with us”, and that the they will be contacting the Swazi authorities and “following a regular review of your case between those in Swaziland and our teams in London, including specialist legal advisors.”

“You may be aware waiting for a response can be extremely slow,” the email concluded. Indeed I am.

Poor human rights record
When you read the foreign travel advice for Swaziland on gov.uk, you are told that “most visits are trouble-free” but that “you should avoid rallies, demonstrations and gatherings as these can be dispersed forcefully by the police.”


Even though I knew of the poor human rights record of Swaziland’s government and police forces, I was therefore not worried about going on a project monitoring visit for my employer, Danish solidarity organisation Afrika Kontakt.

I was there with two colleagues during the democratic movement’s first Global Week of Action, an annual event organized by the democratic movement of Swaziland to coincide with Swaziland’s Independence Day on September 7.

‘This is Swaziland’
But when around fifteen plain clothes police officers burst through the door of our partners office, knocking me to the ground, throttling and beating my two Danish colleagues and two Swazi partners, it was obvious that we were not going to have what the FCO refers to as a “trouble-free visit.”


The police continued to terrorize and intimidate us at the police station. I was elbowed in the stomach a couple of times, one officer told us that we would “never return to your country. You will die here. This is Swaziland, not Denmark.” Officers threated our Swazi partners with torture by simulated drowning. All requests for water, food, a lawyer or being allowed to use the bathroom were refused.

At one point the four of us stood in the yard of the police station, one of the Swazi partners being beaten up behind us. Fifty or so police officers were standing menacingly in front of us forming a crescent. They had truncheons, firearms and full riot gear, so we thought we were going to get a severe beating. Luckily our Swazi partners managed to talk them out of doing so.

During our interrogation, by eight officers, we were again threatened and wrongly accused of financially supporting PUDEMO, a political movement fighting for a constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy. But also a movement that is banned under Swaziland’s Suppression of Terrorism Act, an act that Amnesty International refers to as being “inherently repressive.”

Pressure paid off
Luckily, I had managed to send a short mail to our office back in Denmark that the police were coming for us, moments before they barged into the office. Our office had, unbeknownst to us, replied that if we didn’t answer their mail within five minutes they would contact the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Swazi Consulate, which they did.


Behind the scenes, the Ministry had been piling the pressure on the Swazi authorities for our release. It paid off, as the police who had until now been terrorizing us all of a sudden starting behaving nicely towards us. Eventually they drove us to the airport so that we could catch our plane to South Africa. We were told never to return to Swaziland.

There were probably two immediate reasons for the unprovoked attack by the police in retrospect. Firstly, that the police wrongly believed that we were to take part in the protest marches in connection with the Global Week of Action together with the many other mainly South African foreigners, most or all of whom were also detained and/or deported.

Secondly, we had spent around fifteen minutes at a seminar at the Tum’s George Hotel listening to a lecture about the history of the democratic movement in Swaziland. When around a hundred police officers arrived, and some of the South African’s who were attending the seminar started leaving through the back door, we decided to join them.

Apparently, the police subsequently arrested the forty-five people who remained and had been very angry that we had left.

‘No response’
When I contacted by Foreign Office, to complain about our treatment at the hands of the Swazi police, I was told a week later that the FCO “take all allegations of mistreatment against British nationals very seriously.” The FCO would “raise the allegations” with the Swazi authorities and “ask for an investigation to be conducted and the perpetrator(s) brought to justice.”


Two months later, I was informed that the FCO had not received an answer to its request and that the High Commission would “raise the allegations directly with Swazi government officials in January,” when visiting Swaziland.

In 2011, 2012 and 2013, I received emails from the FCO, saying that they had had “no response” to their inquiries, but that they would be “repeating our request for an investigation to your allegations.” In 2016, I was told that “we have to-date no new information on the investigation.”

Being white is newsworthy
I talked to the Times of Swaziland on the phone from the airport before we left Swaziland. They published a couple of articles about the incident. I also called Amnesty International once back in Denmark. They mentioned our ordeal in their 2011 International Report, as did the US Department of State in their 2010 country report of Human Right Practices.


We also contacted the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Minister for Development Cooperation, Søren Pind, replied that he was “worried about the human rights situation in Swaziland. Denmark has officially raised the matter with Swaziland emphasizing that we are seriously worried about these events. At the same time we have stressed that we obviously expect the authorities to investigate this matter thoroughly.”

The incident also made many of the Danish national papers, the two national TV channels and several international newspapers.

Learning experience
I have been to Swaziland several times since 2010 on project visits without serious incident, as have my colleagues. Being a white visitor with a burgundy passport, I can afford to see the incident as a learning experience – the kind of experience that people in Swaziland and in other countries around the world experience every day, only much, much worse and often with a lot less media coverage.


Like Sipho Jele, who was beaten to death by police for wearing a t-shirt with a PUDEMO-logo. Or Bheki Dlamini, Maxwell Dlamini and the many other Swazi activists who have been tortured and end up spending months and years in prison, detained without facing a judge, eventually to be either released, kept on bail or sentenced on trumped up charges.

The Global Week of Action has continued as an annual event even though the police routinely assault those who dare take part in the event. Last year thousands of Swazis marched through the capital Mbabane to deliver a petition which calls for democracy and socioeconomic justice to the government.

See also

SWAZI POLICE BRUTALITY: EYEWITNESS
POLICE INTIMIDATION: NEW EVIDENCE
SWAZI POLICE HARASS JOURNALIST
POLICE BRUTALITY: NEW TESTIMONY

Thursday, 1 February 2018

CHILDREN TOLD ‘PREPARE FOR STARVATION’

Children in Swaziland should prepare themselves for starvation as the government once again fails to deliver free food to schools, a school principal has warned.

At the start of the new year a continuing food crisis is hitting schools across the kingdom, despite government promises that it had solved the problem.

At the heart of the crisis is the Swazi Government’s inability to pay food suppliers.

In the latest twist in the saga the Swazi Observer reported on Thursday (1 February 2018) that schools relying on government aid – known as the zondle programme – ‘must brace themselves for starvation as the Ministry of Education and Training has failed to deliver food to schools on time’.

It said food had been promised by the Minister of Education and Training Dr Phineas Magagula last year but it had still not arrived in many schools.

It reported school principals said some pupils were sick and on medication and depended on the food which was provided at school. 

It quoted one principal who wanted to remain anonymous, ‘The pupils should brace themselves for starvation because there is no available food in the school, and they have exhausted the food that was left last year.’

Principals in schools around the Shiselweni region told the newspaper that some pupils went to school without having eaten anything and relied on the feeding  programme. ‘They cannot stand the long hours on empty stomachs,’ one said.

Acting Principal at the Ministry of Education and Training Dr Sibongile Mtshali told the Observer food would be delivered to various schools soon, but did not specify the exact date of delivery. 

The schools hunger crisis has been going on for at least a year. In August 2017, members of parliament in Swaziland accused the Ministry of Education and Training of lying in a report on severe hunger in the kingdom’s schools.

They were told that the crisis was over and that school committees were stealing food intended for children.

A progress reported tabled to the Swazi House of Assembly by Minister of Education and Training Phineas Magagula was rejected. The shortage escalated after the government did not pay its bills to suppliers. The food includes rice, mealie-meal, cooking oil, beans, and peanut butter. 

In a report in May 2017, the World Food Program estimated 350,000 people of Swaziland’s 1.3 million population were in need of food assistance. WFP helped 65,473 of them. It said it was regularly feeding 52,000 orphaned and vulnerable children (OVC) aged under eight years at neighbourhood care points. About 45 percent of all children in thought to be OVCs.

It reported chronic malnutrition affected 26 percent of all children in Swaziland aged under five. 

See also

‘CHILDREN COULD SOON DIE OF HUNGER’
BAD FOOD POISONS 200 PUPILS
NO FOOD SO SCHOOLKIDS SENT HOME
HUNGER FORCES SCHOOLS TO CLOSE EARLY
http://swazimedia.blogspot.com/2017/02/hunger-forces-schools-to-close-early.html